Hungary is pressing the European Union to suspend tariffs and extra duties on fertilizer imports from Russia and Belarus as the war in Iran threatens to drive up global food prices. Such a move would boost a key source of revenue in funding Moscow’s war of aggression against Ukraine. In a letter to European commissioners on Monday, Hungarian Agriculture Minister István Nagy warned that rising global fertilizer prices and supply uncertainty exacerbated by the war in Iran risk squeezing EU farmers and pushing up food costs. He called for the levies on Russian and Belarusian products to be temporarily reduced to zero, warning that Hungary could face lower crop yields if access to cheaper imports remains restricted. The country produces only nitrogen fertilizers domestically and relies on foreign supplies of phosphorus and potash. The EU tightened duties on fertilizers from Russia and Belarus in 2025 after imports rose in the years following Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The increase raised concern that Russia was redirecting gas exports hit by sanctions into fertilizer production to sustain export revenues. Russian shipments to the EU were still worth around €2 billion last year, but volumes fell sharply in early 2026 as the new levies began to bite. Iran’s effective blockage of the Strait of Hormuz is driving up the cost of fertilizer by tying up supplies of both the fuel and raw materials needed to produce it. Budapest is also pushing the EU to relax its ban on Russian gas to ease price pressures — an idea roundly rejected by Brussels.

Spain on Monday put forward Agriculture Minister Luis Planas as a candidate for the top job at the U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares announced the decision during his doorstep at the Foreign Council Affairs in Brussels. “It is a Spanish candidacy, but one that has a European vocation and also reflects Spain’s belief in multilateralism and the United Nations, at a time when food security is absolutely fundamental,” Albares said. Planas becomes a third European candidate for the post after EU agriculture ministers agreed at this month’s Brussels summit they should try to unite behind a single European contender. Italy has formally nominated former farm minister and current FAO Deputy Director-General Maurizio Martina, and Ireland backed Phil Hogan, the former EU griculture and trade commissioner. Currently leading the Rome-based U.N. agency is Qu Dongyu, a Chinese politician whose term will end in mid-2027. Formal candidacies to succeed him must be filed by the end of the year.

Elisabeth Braw is a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, author of the award-winning “Goodbye Globalization” and a regular columnist for POLITICO. Her new book, The Undersea War, is out later this year.   Since the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran on Feb. 28, the Strait of Hormuz — the narrow and crucial passage at the mouth of the Persian Gulf — has become extremely dangerous to pass. “Sanctioned tanker laden with flammable gas runs Hormuz gauntlet,” read one shipping headline just last week. And as the number of ships weighing whether to attempt this voyage grows, the escalating situation will have painful implications for global shipping as well as the world’s economies — and Europe won’t be immune. The ship in question was the Danuta I, a recently sanctioned LPG carrier likely “laden with Iranian LPG,” Lloyd’s List, a maritime news service, reported. Perhaps the ship’s owners felt they could take the risk precisely because the ship was transporting Iranian petroleum gas, and Iran — situated on one side of the strait, with Oman on the other — is the actor most likely to attack any ships sailing through. Indeed, the government in Tehran has vowed to attack any ship trying to transit the strait, through which some 20 percent of the world’s oil and natural gas passes on its way from the Persian Gulf to global markets. Large volumes of aluminum and fertilizer pass through the strait as well. Or rather, those are the transit volumes under ordinary circumstances. As of Feb. 28, conditions in the Strait of Hormuz have been decidedly extraordinary. “Right now, ships waiting to transit both on the inside and outside of the Hormuz are awaiting developments and not transiting,” said Svein Ringbakken, CEO of maritime war-risk insurer DNK. “Shipowners take the Iranian threats that ships will be attacked seriously and factor these into their risk assessments.” Even when covered by war-risk insurance (yes, it’s available in wars, including this one), shipowners are highly cautious when it comes to active war zones like the strait. “They’re primarily concerned about ensuring the safety of their crews. To await developments is natural in an early phase of the conflict with major combat operations ongoing,” Ringbakken explained. Only a few ships have been able and willing to transit the strait since clashes began, and like the Danuta I, most of them were shadow vessels transporting Iranian oil. Even if ships in the Gulf only continue to be hit by occasional drone and missile strikes, they, their crews and their cargoes will suffer. | Gallo Images/Orbital Horizon/Copernicus Sentinel Data 2025 The obvious question now is how long the conflict will last. Five days in, nine ships had already been hit or directly targeted in the strait or surrounding waters, with three crew members killed. And while U.S. President Donald Trump has said the war may last up to four to five weeks, wars famously deliver no certainty. Furthermore, because shipping is global by its very nature, Europe will be affected as well. A Swedish-owned tanker, the Stena Imperative, which was transporting oil for the U.S. military, is among the vessels that have been struck. Meanwhile, many more ships waiting north and south of the strait are either owned or flagged in Europe, or are carrying cargo bound for the continent — mostly oil and gas, and possibly aluminum and urea, a nitrogen fertilizer crucial to global agriculture and thus food security. Fortunately, the EU and the U.K. import most of their aluminum and urea from other countries, but they do import significant amounts of diesel, gasoline, oil, jet fuel and kerosene from the Gulf states. Also, while many of the ships idling at the strait’s southern entrance (southeastern, to be precise) will likely leave if the war lasts longer than, say, the end of this week, it’s a different story for the several thousand ships still inside the Persian Gulf. They’re trapped there, and the dangers in the strait mean most don’t dare transit it to reach their next destinations — let alone get back to the Gulf to collect more. War insurance would cover damage to the ship and cargo, but no war insurance can bring lives back. “A prolonged suspension of ship transits, particularly oil and gas tankers, could have a profound effect on energy prices,” Ringbakken pointed out. Indeed, on March 6, Qatar’s Minister of State for Energy Affairs Saad Sherida al-Kaabi told the Financial Times that the war in the Middle East could “bring down the economies of the world.” All Gulf energy exporters would declare force majeure and shut down production within days, he said. Iran has already demonstrated that it’s willing to retaliate against U.S. and Israeli attacks by striking Gulf countries. If the war continues, it may well decide to launch a campaign against selected vessels in the Gulf. To be sure, targeting merchant vessels violates international law — but Iran has never been a stickler for international rules, and it’s unlikely to fully commit to them now, especially after Trump recently told journalists he doesn’t “need international law,” and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth openly dismissed “stupid rules of engagement” when speaking about the war against Iran. Imagine constant assaults on ships in the Persian Gulf — ships that represent virtually every country on the planet and are laden with cargo bound for worldwide destinations. If that comes to pass, European leaders wouldn’t be the only ones pleading with Trump to end the war. In fact, the whole world would join Qatar’s energy minister in sending distress signals. (Such strikes would also result in devastating oil spills.) Even if ships in the Gulf only continue to be hit by occasional drone and missile strikes, they, their crews and their cargoes will suffer. So would the economy — including America’s. While Trump may not care about international law, he does care about the stock market — and a large chunk of the world’s stock markets depend on the Strait of Hormuz. Let’s hope he heeds that call.

Ireland officially nominated former EU agriculture and trade commissioner Phil Hogan to the top job at the U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the government said today. Hogan’s name emerged last week as a potential contender for the role of FAO director, with Ireland’s Department of Agriculture signaling him as their preferred candidate. The Irish politician played a significant role pushing forward the Mercosur agreement during his time as the EU’s farm chief under under Jean-Claude Juncker, before briefly serving as trade commissioner in Ursula von der Leyen’s first Commission. He resigned in 2020, after he attended a dinner that breached Ireland’s coronavirus restrictions in the so-called Golfgate scandal. Currently leading the Rome-based U.N. agency is Qu Dongyu, a Chinese politician whose term will end in mid-2027. Italy has formally nominated former farm minister and current FAO deputy director-general Maurizio Martina.

Cindy McCain will step down as executive director of the U.N. World Food Program later this year, citing ongoing health concerns after suffering a mild stroke in October. McCain informed staff and the agency’s executive board today that she plans to leave her post in three months to focus on her recovery, according to a WFP statement. The 71-year-old returned to the Rome-based agency in early January but said the demands of the job were “outpacing” her recovery. “With a heavy heart, I am announcing my intention to step down,” McCain said, calling the decision “one of the most difficult” she has ever made. Carl Skau, No. 2 at WFP, will temporarily helm the agency while a successor is named. McCain’s final day has yet to be determined. McCain, the widow of late U.S. Sen. John McCain, took the helm of the world’s largest humanitarian organization in April 2023. Her tenure has been dominated by spiraling global hunger driven by Russia’s war in Ukraine, climate shocks and funding shortfalls. In a 2023 interview with POLITICO, she warned the world faced a “catastrophic” hunger crisis without a surge in funding. Her tenure was also marked by intense diplomatic pressure during the war in Gaza. In March 2024, she urged Israel to allow “consistent, sustained and safe access” for humanitarian convoys, telling POLITICO that blocked convoys, not lack of food, were driving the famine risk. Since last year, WFP has been battered by a deep financial crunch. Cuts from major Western donors — including its largest backer, the U.S. — have forced the agency to slash rations even as acute food insecurity affects more than 340 million people worldwide In October, McCain suffered a mild stroke and temporarily took leave, saying at the time she expected to make a full recovery. She said Thursday she would remain “an unwavering voice” in the fight against hunger after leaving office.

BRUSSELS — Pressure is mounting on the European Commission to exempt fertilizers from its new carbon tariff scheme, as national capitals side with farmers over industry to unpick one of the EU’s newest climate policies. During a discussion requested by Austria on Monday, 12 countries called for a temporary exclusion of fertilizers from the European Union’s carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM), a levy on the greenhouse gas emissions of certain goods imported into the bloc. They argued that CBAM, which only became fully operational on Jan. 1, is sending already-rising fertilizer even higher, adding to economic difficulties for crop farmers. “European arable farmers are currently facing not just low producer prices, but also rising production costs. The main cost drivers are fertilizer prices, which have increased markedly since 2020,” Johannes Frankhauser, a senior official in Austria’s agriculture ministry, told ministers gathered in Brussels. Eleven countries backed Vienna in Monday’s meeting. Yet critics — which include fertilizer producers, environment-focused MEPs and several governments — warn that such an exemption would not only penalize the EU’s domestic producers but threaten the integrity of the carbon tariff scheme. “High prices of production inputs, including fertilizers, have a direct impact on the economic situation of farms… However, we want an optimal solution in order to maintain food security on one hand and on the other [avoid] possible negative impacts on the competitiveness of EU fertilizer producers,” said Polish Agriculture Minister Stefan Krajewski, whose country is a major fertilizer producer.  Germany, Belgium, Finland, Sweden and the Netherlands expressed similar sentiments.  CBAM was phased in over several years and is supposed to protect European producers of heavily polluting goods — cement, iron, steel, aluminum, fertilizers, electricity and hydrogen — from cheap and dirty foreign competition. EU manufacturers of these products currently pay a carbon price on their planet-warming emissions, while importers didn’t before the CBAM came into force. By introducing a levy on imports from countries without carbon pricing, the EU wants to even out the playing field and encourage its trading partners to switch to cleaner manufacturing practices. (Those partners aren’t too happy.) The CBAM price is paid by the importers, which are free to pass on the cost to buyers — in the case of fertilizers, farmers.  Fertilizers make up a substantial share of farms’ operating costs, and EU-based companies do not produce enough to match demand. CBAM is therefore expected to push up fertilizer costs, though estimates on by how much vary greatly. A group of nine EU countries led by France mentioned a 25 percent increase in a recent missive, while Austria reckons it’s 10-15 percent.  The main cost drivers are fertilizer prices, which have increased markedly since 2020,” Johannes Frankhauser, a senior official in Austria’s agriculture ministry, told ministers gathered in Brussels. | Olivier Hoslet/EPA Carbon pricing analyst firm Sandbag, however, says it’s far lower for the next two years — less than 1 percent, or a couple of euros per ton of ammonia, a fertilizer component that costs several hundred euros per ton without the levy. Responding to governments on Monday, Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen noted that the EU executive already tweaked the policy to provide relief to farmers in December, and followed up in January with a promise to suspend some regular tariffs on fertilizer components to offset the additional CBAM cost. SUSPENSION SUSPENSE The Commission in December set in motion legislative changes that could allow it to enact such a suspension in the event of “serious and unforeseen circumstances” harming the bloc’s internal market — in effect, an emergency brake for CBAM. The suspension can apply retroactively, the EU executive said earlier this month. Yet EU governments and the European Parliament each have to approve this clause before the Commission could make such a move, a process expected to take the better part of this year. Environment ministers can vote on the changes in March or June, and MEPs haven’t even chosen their lead lawmakers to work on the Parliament’s position yet. That’s why Austria on Monday called on the Commission to “immediately” suspend CBAM until “the regular possibility to temporarily suspend CBAM on fertilisers is ensured.” The legal basis for such a move is unclear, as the legislation in force does not feature an exemption clause.  Vienna’s request for a debate came after a group of nine countries — Bulgaria, Croatia, France, Greece, Hungary, Latvia, Luxembourg, Portugal and Romania — wrote to the Commission requesting a suspension earlier this month. During Monday’s discussion, Croatia and Estonia also expressed support for such a move.  Ireland welcomed the Commission’s proposal of a suspension clause but asked for additional details.  Spain was ambivalent: “We need to strengthen our industrial capacity to contribute to the strategic autonomy of the European Union. But clearly, the decarbonisation of this sector mustn’t jeopardize farmers’ livelihoods,” said Spanish Agriculture Minister Luis Planas.  Italy, which previously signaled its support for a suspension, did not explicitly endorse such a move — merely backing the Commission’s already-announced tweaks to normal fertilizer tariffs in its intervention on Monday.  Not all countries took to the floor. Czechia, for example — whose new government is opposed to large parts of EU climate legislation, but whose prime minister owns Europe’s second-largest nitrogen fertilizer producer — remained silent. The Czech agriculture ministry did not respond to a request for comment. INDUSTRY ALARMED While exempting fertilizers may win governments kudos from farmers, European fertilizer manufacturers would be irate. The producers’ association Fertilisers Europe warned that such a move would be “totally unacceptable” and “undermine the competitiveness” of EU companies. Yara, a major Norwegian fertilizer producer, said that “CBAM was designed to ensure a level playing field. Weakening it through tariff reductions or retroactive suspension sends the wrong signal to companies investing in Europe’s green transition.” Mohammed Chahim, the vice president of the center-left Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament, said that EU companies “need regulatory stability.” “European fertilizer producers have spent precious time and significant resources, often with support from taxpayer money, to decarbonize,” said the Dutch MEP, who drafted the Parliament’s position on the original CBAM law. “Any exemptions for CBAM send a terrible signal — not just to our own industry, but to the world.”  It’s not only makers of fertilizer that are up in arms. Companies in the heavy industry sector — whose competitiveness CBAM is supposed to protect — are warning that granting an exemption once could produce a domino effect, encouraging buyers of all CBAM goods to lobby for relief.  German MEP Peter Liese, environment coordinator of the center-right European People’s Party, said earlier this month that a retroactive exemption would be “theoretically possible” but that he was “very much against it because I believe that if we start doing that, we will end up in a cascade. | Ronald Wittek/EPA “Once one sector gets an exemption, other sectors will want this too,” warned the Business for CBAM coalition, a lobby group of companies and industry groups. “We therefore call on the European Parliament and [ministers] to remove” the exemption clause, it added.  Similarly, German MEP Peter Liese, environment coordinator of the center-right European People’s Party, said earlier this month that a retroactive exemption would be “theoretically possible” but that he was “very much against it because I believe that if we start doing that, we will end up in a cascade. If we suspend it for fertilizers, there are immediately arguments to suspend it in other sectors as well.” 

There is no longer a famine in Gaza, a United Nations-backed food security organization reported Friday, as the enclave slowly recovers from two brutal years of fighting between Israel and Hamas. Food security and nutrition have improved, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification program wrote in a December brief. “Famine has been pushed back. Far more people are able to access the food they need to survive,” U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres told reporters on Friday. But 1.6 million Gazans still face profound food insecurity, with more than 100,000 children age 6 months to 59 months projected to battle acute malnutrition and require treatment through mid-October 2026, the IPC found. And the report cautioned that a resumption of full-scale hostilities in Gaza would throw significant portions of the enclave back into a famine for months, disrupting access to markets and stunting the cultivation of native crops. It underscores just how fragile the humanitarian situation remains in the region in the wake of Israel’s war against the Hamas militant group and October’s nominal ceasefire negotiated by the Trump administration. Trump won international applause for his work in bringing about the tentative peace and freeing 20 living Israeli hostages. But private documents POLITICO reported on in November showed administration officials expressing deep concern that elements of their ceasefire agreement could fall apart. And Israeli forces have continued to lob occasional strikes into Gaza since the deal was reached. “Sustained, expanded and unhindered humanitarian and commercial flows and access to these goods across the territory are critical to meeting the challenges identified in this IPC analysis,” the researchers wrote. “This will require a durable resolution to the conflict and the rebuilding of essential infrastructure and livelihoods.”

BRUSSELS — The European Commission has proposed rolling back several EU environmental laws including industrial emissions reporting requirements, confirming previous reporting by POLITICO. It’s the latest in a series of proposed deregulation plans — known as omnibus bills — as Commission President Ursula von der Leyen tries to make good on a promise to EU leaders to dramatically reduce administrative burden for companies.   The bill’s aim is to make it easier for businesses to comply with EU laws on waste management, emissions, and resource use, with the Commission stressing the benefits to small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) which make up 99 percent of all EU businesses. The Commission insisted the rollbacks would not have a negative impact on the environment. “We all agree that we need to protect our environmental standards, but we also at the same time need to do it more efficiently,” said Environment Commissioner Jessika Roswall during a press conference on Wednesday.  “This is a complex exercise,” said Executive Vice President Teresa Ribera during a press conference on Wednesday. “It is not easy for anyone to try to identify how we can respond to this demand to simplify while responding to this other demand to keep these [environmental] standards high.”  Like previous omnibus packages, the environmental omnibus was released without an impact assessment. The Commission found that “without considering other alternative options, an impact assessment is not deemed necessary.” This comes right after the Ombudswoman found the Commission at fault for “maladministration” for the first omnibus.   The Commission claims “the proposed amendments will not affect environmental standards” — a claim that’s already under attack from environmental groups.   MORE REPORTING CUTS  The Commission wants to exempt livestock and aquaculture operators from reporting on water, energy and materials use under the industrial emissions reporting legislation.  EU countries, competent authorities and operators would also be given more time to comply with some of the new or revised provisions in the updated Industrial Emissions Directive while being given further “clarity on when these provisions apply.”  The Commission is also proposing “significant simplification” for environmental management systems (EMS) — which lay out goals and performance measures related to environmental impacts of an industrial site — under the industrial and livestock rearing emissions directive.  These would be completed by industrial plants at the level of a company and not at the level of every installation, as it currently stands.   There would also be fewer compliance obligations under EU waste laws.   The Commission wants to remove the Substances of Concern in Products (SCIP) database, for example, claiming that it “has not been effective in informing recyclers about the presence of hazardous substances in products and has imposed substantial administrative costs.”  Producers selling goods in another EU country will also not have to appoint an authorized representative in both countries to comply with extended producer responsibility (EPR). The Commission calls it a “stepping stone to more profound simplification,” also reducing reporting requirements to just once per year.  The Commission will not be changing the Nature Restoration Regulation — which has been a key question in discussions between EU commissioners — but it will intensify its support to EU countries and regional authorities in preparing their draft National Restoration Plans.  The Commission will stress-test the Birds and Habitats Directives in 2026 “taking into account climate change, food security, and other developments and present a series of guidelines to facilitate implementation,” it said.  CRITIQUES ROLL IN   Some industry groups, like the Computer & Communications Industry Association, have welcomed the changes, calling it a “a common-sense fix.” German center-right MEP Pieter Liese also welcomed the omnibus package, saying, “[W]e need to streamline environmental laws precisely because we want to preserve them. Bureaucracy and paperwork are not environmental protection.” But environmental groups opposed the rollbacks.  “The Von der Leyen Commission is dismantling decades of hard-won nature protections, putting air, water, and public health at risk in the name of competitiveness,” WWF said in a statement. The estimated savings “come with no impact assessment and focus only on reduced compliance costs, ignoring the far larger price of pollution, ecosystem decline, and climate-related disasters,” it added.   The Industrial Emissions Directive, which entered into force last year and is already being transposed by member countries, was “already much weaker than what the European Commission had originally proposed” during the last revision, pointed out ClientEarth lawyer Selin Esen.  “The Birds and Habitats Directives are the backbone of nature protection in Europe,” said BirdLife Europe’s Sofie Ruysschaert. “Undermining them now would not only wipe out decades of hard-won progress but also push the EU toward a future where ecosystems and the communities that rely on them are left dangerously exposed.” 

As Europe redefines its life sciences and biotech agenda, one truth stands out: the strength of our innovation lies in its interconnection between human and animal health, science and society, and policy and practice. This spirit of collaboration guided the recent “Innovation for Animal Health: Advancing Europe’s Life Sciences Agenda” policy breakfast in Brussels, where leading voices from EU politics, science and industry came together to discuss how Europe can turn its scientific excellence into a truly competitive and connected life sciences ecosystem. Jeannette Ferran Astorga / Via Zoetis Europe’s role in life sciences will depend on its ability to see innovation holistically. At Zoetis we firmly believe that animal health innovation must be part of that equation, as this strengthens resilience, drives sustainability, and connects directly to the wellbeing of people. Innovation without barriers Some of humanity’s greatest challenges continue to emerge at the intersection of human, animal and environmental health, sometimes with severe economic impact. The recent outbreaks of diseases like avian influenza, African swine fever and bluetongue virus act as reminders of this. By enhancing the health and welfare of animals, the animal health industry and veterinarians are strengthening farmers’ livelihoods, supporting thriving communities and safeguarding global food security. This is also contributing to protecting wildlife and ecosystems. Meanwhile, companion animals are members of approximately half of European households. Here, we have seen how dogs and cats have become part of the family, with owners now investing a lot more to keep their pets healthy and able to live to an old age. Because of the deepening bonds with our pets and their increased longevity, the demand for new treatment alternatives is rising continuously, stimulating new research and innovative solutions making their way into veterinary practices. Zoonotic diseases that can be transferred between animals and humans, like rabies, Lyme disease, Covid-19 and constantly new emerging infectious diseases, make the rapid development of veterinary solutions a necessity. Throughout the world, life sciences are an engine of growth and a foundation of health, resilience and sustainability. Europe’s next chapter in this field will also be written by those who can bridge human and animal health, transforming science into solutions that deliver both economic and societal value. The same breakthroughs that protect our pets and livestock underpin the EU’s ambitions on antimicrobial resistance, food security and sustainable agriculture. Ensuring these innovations can reach the market efficiently is therefore not a niche issue, it is central to Europe’s strategic growth and competitiveness. This was echoed at the policy event by Dr. Wiebke Jansen, Policy Lead at the Federation of Veterinarians of Europe (FVE) when she noted that ‘innovation is not abstract. As soon as a product is available, it changes the lives of animals, their veterinarians and the communities we serve. With the many unmet needs we still face in animal health, having access to new innovation is an extremely relevant question from the veterinary perspective.’ Enabling innovation through smart regulation To realize the promise of Europe’s life sciences and biotech agenda, the EU must ensure that regulation keeps pace with scientific discovery. The European Commission’s Omnibus Simplification Package offers a valuable opportunity to create a more innovation-friendly environment, one where time and resources can be focused on developing solutions for animal and human health, not on navigating overlapping reporting requirements or dealing with an ever increasing regulatory burden. > In animal health, biotechnology is already transforming what’s possible — for > example, monoclonal antibodies that help control certain chronic conditions or > diseases with unprecedented precision. Reviewing legislative frameworks, developing the Union Product Database as a true one-stop hub or introducing digital tools such as electronic product information (e-leaflets) in all member states, for instance, would help scientists and regulators alike to work more efficiently, thereby enhancing the availability of animal health solutions. This is not about loosening standards; it is about creating the right conditions for innovation to thrive responsibly and efficiently. Science that serves society Europe’s leadership in life sciences depends on its ability to turn cutting-edge research into real-world impact, for example through bringing new products to patients faster. In animal health, biotechnology is already transforming what’s possible — for example, monoclonal antibodies that help control certain chronic conditions or diseases with unprecedented precision. Relieving itching caused by atopic dermatitis or alleviating the pain associated with osteoarthritis significantly increases the quality of life of cats and dogs — and their owners. In addition, diagnostics and next-generation vaccines prevent outbreaks before they start or spread further. Maintaining a proportionate, benefit–risk for veterinary medicines allows innovation to progress safely while ensuring accelerated access to new treatments. Supporting science-based decision-making and investing in the European Medicines Agency’s capacity to deliver efficient, predictable processes will help Europe remain a trusted partner in global health innovation. Continuum of Care / Via Zoetis A One Health vision for the next decade Europe is not short of ambition. The EU Biotech Act and the Life Sciences Strategy both aim to turn innovation into a driver of growth and wellbeing. But to truly unlock their potential, they must include animal health in their vision. The experience of the veterinary medicines sector shows that innovation does not stop at species’ borders; advances in immunology, monoclonal antibodies and the use of artificial intelligence benefit both animals and humans. A One Health perspective, where veterinary and human health research reinforce each other, will help Europe to play a positive role in an increasingly competitive global landscape. The next five years will be decisive. By fostering proportionate, science-based adaptive regulation, investing in digital and institutional capacity, and embracing a One Health approach to innovation, Europe can become a genuine world leader in life sciences — for people and the animals that are essential to our lives. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is Zoetis Belgium S.A. * The political advertisement is linked to policy advocacy on the EU End-of-Life Vehicles Regulation (ELVR), circular plastics, chemical recycling, and industrial competitiveness in Europe. More information here.