DINNER DATES AND ‘FLIRTING’: EUROPE’S BIGGEST POLITICAL PARTIES TRY NEW TACTIC TO SAVE COALITION Manfred Weber, Iratxe García and their teams try to repair damage to avoid a rogue motion of censure against Ursula von der Leyen. By MAX GRIERA in Brussels Illustration by Natália Delgado/POLITICO BRUSSELS — The leaders of Europe’s two biggest political parties are going on fancy dinner dates as they try to repair their frayed relationship. Manfred Weber of the European People’s Party and Iratxe García of the Socialists and Democrats — plus 10 deputies each — went out for a meal in Strasbourg last month, according to five people who were there, and there will be more dates to come. The idea is to stop the fighting between two traditional allies after a turbulent year in which they have clashed over everything from the EU’s migration policy to the Commission’s simplification agenda. The first dinner date took place on Feb. 10 at the four-star Leonor Hotel in the center of Strasbourg, where a three-course meal can cost €85 per person, excluding wine. The EPP picked up the bill. The next one is expected in April. Christophe Clergeau, vice-chair of the S&D, who was at the dinner, told POLITICO that the dinner had two main purposes: for the vice-chairs to get to know each other better, and to air grievances. “It was necessary to have a frank and direct discussion … in a diplomatic way,” Clergeau said, adding that “there are problems … the game EPP plays with the far-right, the deregulation agenda of the Commission, the multiple initiatives weakening the Green Deal and social and environmental legislation.” The dinner “was nice, it was very friendly and we agreed to send a message that we are a coalition and … we do like each other,” said Croatian EPP vice-chair Željana Zovko, another attendee, who joked that the groups “are flirting.” The EPP and S&D have worked together for decades, voting alongside one another and sharing out the EU’s top jobs. But that alliance has started to fracture, as the 2024 EU election shifted the Parliament’s hemicycle to the right, with the EPP now voting through laws with the far-right Patriots group — home to Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and France’s Marine Le Pen. There’s also personal animosity between Weber and García, dating back to when the S&D chief (and the liberals) told Weber that she wouldn’t support his bid to become Commission president, a job that eventually went to Ursula von der Leyen. Manon Aubry, co-chair of The Left group in the Parliament, told POLITICO that the pair are like “two toxic exes.” The aim of the dinner was to address these issues. “The exchange was productive,” said S&D vice-chair Alex Agius Saliba, who attended the gathering. “We have always maintained that, during this parliamentary term, the pro-European alliance must do everything possible to remain effective. We believe that coordination is essential, and we are committed to continuing along this path.” “We aim to explore how we can improve relations and do more things together,” said EPP vice-chair Siegfried Mureșan, who also went to the dinner. “We are not setting any unrealistic goals; rather, there is a general willingness to understand each other and to cooperate.” Christophe Clergeau, vice-chair of the S&D, who was at the dinner, told POLITICO that the dinner had two main purposes: for the vice-chairs to get to know each other better, and to air grievances. | Sebastian Salom-Gomis/AFP via Getty images “Group therapy” is how another of the lawmakers attending, granted anonymity to speak candidly, referred to the dinner, describing it as a game of “ping-pong” in which EPP and S&D members aired their grievances — albeit in a friendly manner. “It was good people willing to try to fix it.” ‘POLITICAL ACCIDENTS’ In recent months, the EPP has voted through laws on toughening migration policy and cutting back green legislation with the right-wing and far-right groups in the Parliament. Add in that a majority of governments in Europe are tilting to the right, and the S&D has been increasingly cut out of shaping the EU’s policy agenda. This has led them to harden their rhetoric against Weber and von der Leyen — with García accusing the Commission president of “buying into Trump’s agenda” and its “deregulation zeal.” “There is also the feeling for some MEPs that if we do not spend more time exchanging and working together, there is a risk of a political accident in the next months … because there is a lack of trust between us,” said Clergeau. Such an “accident,” Clergeau said, could be a Socialist boycott of key files — such as the EU’s long-term budget — or S&D support for a motion of no confidence in the von der Leyen Commission. The Commission president has survived all four of the no-confidence motions tabled this term. But some lawmakers say the case for her removal remains. She is “practically begging for a vote of no confidence,” Spanish MEP Jonás Fernández, who hails from García’s S&D party, said on Monday. He was referring to a speech von der Leyen made earlier that day, where she said: “Europe can no longer be a custodian for the old-world order, for a world that has gone and will not return.” Senior S&D lawmakers have warned that frustration is growing among the ranks, and this could mean the group leadership being unable to control their MEPs. This already happened late last year when García and the EPP drew up a compromise on rules to slash green rules for businesses, only for many of her MEPs to vote against it. CROSSED FINGERS Both the EPP and S&D leaders know that their relationship will likely never be the same again. EPP lawmakers are comfortable with voting for laws and setting the Parliament’s agenda with the right-wing majority. Weber told POLITICO he “will not be stopped by anyone” in implementing the EPP’s program and argued that when the group has voted alongside the far right, it was not on “radical positions” and reflected the views of national governments and the European Commission. The EPP voted with the right-wing bloc again on Monday on a bill allowing countries to establish deportation centers in non-EU countries, after negotiations failed among the centrist coalition. It is the latest in a string of laws and non-binding reports voted by the EPP with right-wing and far-right groups. The S&D is slowly adapting to its new reality. At a group retreat on March 3, officials brainstormed how to improve internal coordination. The idea is to avoid lawmakers revolting against the group line, so García has a stronger hand when negotiating with Weber. The dinner “was nice, it was very friendly and we agreed to send a message that we are a coalition and … we do like each other,” said Croatian EPP vice-chair Željana Zovko. | Thierry Monasse/Getty Images The retreat sought to make lawmakers think about “strengthening personal engagement, collective political judgement, internal trust and coordination, and our shared capacity to act effectively as a group,” according to an invitation letter sent to S&D lawmakers, seen by POLITICO. “The emergence of an increasingly stable right-leaning majority, the shift towards modern communication strategies, the organized coordination between the EPP and far-right groups, and a more fragmented political landscape have altered both the space for influence and the conditions for cooperation,” the letter adds. “The effectiveness of the S&D Group depends not only on the strength of our policy positions, but also on how we work together internally.” Following the retreat, García’s spokesperson, Andrea Maceiras, told POLITICO the group’s “next immediate political test will be the upcoming MFF interim report,” a reference to the EU’s long-term budget, known as the Multiannual Financial Framework. The group aims to pressure the EPP on files where the right-wing bloc lacks consensus, such as the MFF, to leverage wins, according to two S&D officials, granted anonymity to speak about group positions. While trust between the two groups needs repairing, the first dinner was seen by both sides as being such a success that another is being planned, with the S&D expected to choose the location and pay the bill. “This time Socialists should host us, and it depends on the mood and financial capabilities,” Zovko said.

KYIV — Ukraine sees a narrow window to secure its future within the EU: between the Hungarian election this April and the French presidential vote in April 2027, according to officials in Brussels and Kyiv. Kyiv wants to have a reference to EU membership in 2027 written into the peace deal being negotiated by U.S. President Donald Trump, and it sees the interval between the two key European elections as the best time to join the bloc. The EU is working on a plan that could give Ukraine partial membership next year. This would see Ukraine gaining an observer-like status during European Council summits and in European Parliament committees, while it completes the reforms needed for full membership privileges. “It’s true we want [a] fast track for membership,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said during a press conference in Kyiv on Tuesday, the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion. “2027 is very important for us and, I hope, realistic so that [Russian President Vladimir] Putin cannot block our membership for decades,” Zelenskyy said. He added that Kyiv was trying to avoid the fate of its bid to join NATO, which is now effectively off the table as a result of Washington’s opposition. The thinking is that Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán will not allow Kyiv’s bid to progress before April’s ballot because he has made opposition to Ukraine a key element of his reelection campaign. But Orbán may dial back his opposition if he manages to win another term, particularly if pushed to do so by Trump, according to one EU diplomat and a Ukrainian official. Both were granted anonymity to speak freely. If Orbán loses the Hungarian ballot, both Brussels and Kyiv perceive an opening under Péter Magyar, the opposition leader who is ahead in the polls. The EU diplomat said that while Magyar has made critical statements about Ukraine, he nonetheless appears to want to work more “constructively” with Brussels and could be motivated by the desire to have frozen EU funds for Hungary released. That could be enough of an incentive for him to lift Hungary’s opposition to Ukraine’s EU bid. If it isn’t, the U.S. administration could be called on to exert pressure — if Trump still wants to play dealmaker. “You can rely on the European Union — we will be on your side as long as it takes,” European Council President António Costa told Zelenskyy at Tuesday’s press conference. “We are committed to building a free, sovereign and prosperous Ukraine within the European Union.” THE PROBLEM WITH ‘AS LONG AS IT TAKES’ The worry in Kyiv is that, if talks drag out and Trump loses interest in a peace deal, “as long as it takes” could mean Ukraine is locked out of the bloc until after the next EU election in 2029, or even later, according to the Ukrainian official. Brussels and Kyiv are also looking ahead to the April 2027 French presidential election, in which the far-right National Rally, which has been Kremlin-friendly in the past, is ahead in the polls. The fear is that if Marine Le Pen’s party wins the presidency before Ukraine is offered a place inside the EU, it could block membership for Kyiv. However, full EU membership for Ukraine before 2027 is off the table, a senior EU official said. Speaking on Tuesday alongside Zelenskyy and Costa, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said that while she understood that “a clear date” is “important” for Zelenskyy, when it comes to the EU, “dates by themselves [without completing reforms] are not possible.” Full EU membership for Ukraine before 2027 is off the table, a senior EU official said. | John Thys/AFP via Getty Images As Ukraine continues trying to convince member countries that it will meet the criteria to join the EU imminently, talk is also turning to ways for Brussels to update the process to match the current geopolitical moment. “I have had many meetings where we have been discussing now how we could accelerate the Ukrainian path to the European Union,” EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos told POLITICO, before cautioning: “Without doing the reforms, nothing will be possible.” But, Kos added: “We have to have a broader discussion with the European Union among the member states about the methodology of the accession process, which is not suitable anymore for the times we are living in. You know this methodology is good for peace, it is good when we have time.” If the EU fails to adapt, it risks pushing potential EU members toward the Kremlin and its allies, she said. “If we will not be able to integrate our candidates into the EU shortly, then there is a danger that someone else will be more influential in those countries and using them against us, weaponizing [them],” Kos said.

STRASBOURG — A battle for the European Parliament’s most senior posts is underway. More than a year out from a planned midterm reshuffle that will see the Parliament’s leadership posts reallocated in early 2027, the plotting and jostling has already begun. Groups of lawmakers are adding top jobs talks to their agendas in anticipation of plum positions — from the president to committee leadership to key roles in the political groups — coming up for grabs. This time, the Parliament’s two biggest factions are on a collision course over who gets the coveted president post. Meanwhile, the far-right firewall sees its latest challenge in the contest for powerful roles, and a new Russia-friendly grouping is in the works. Here are five flashpoints to watch: THE BATTLE FOR PARLIAMENT PRESIDENT It’s no secret that current Parliament President Roberta Metsola would like a third term (which would make her the longest-serving president of the assembly) — neither Metsola nor European People’s Party chief Manfred Weber denies it. The S&D has not yet pushed a candidate to replace Metsola — a fact that hasn’t escaped some of the party’s own allies. | Ludovic Marin/AFP via Getty Images Parliament presidents are elected for two-and-a-half-year stints, which are renewable. Each Parliament term is five years. Metsola signaled that a third term remained a possibility last June after she ruled out going back to Malta to become her national party’s leader. When asked by POLITICO whether she intended to run again at a press conference in October, she replied: “We are still 15 months away from the midterms and I’m here to deliver every day for the job that I was elected to do.” Several lawmakers and officials said Metsola is working toward securing another term. “She’s in full campaign mode, giving favors to MEPs and officials,” said a liberal Renew MEP, granted anonymity to speak freely, as were others quoted in this piece. The push would put Metsola and the EPP on a collision course with the Socialists and Democrats, the Parliament’s second-biggest group, which claims it should get the presidency as part of a power-sharing arrangement signed at the beginning of the term. But the EPP has remained vague about whether they committed to any such deal. The S&D hasn’t yet pushed a candidate to replace Metsola — a fact that hasn’t escaped some of the party’s own allies. One Green lawmaker, when asked whether they would support the Socialists, said “I will think about it when they have a candidate, I cannot support a vague claim for a post.” All the infighting between the EPP and S&D has opened the door for Renew Europe, the third member of the centrist coalition, to start thinking about suggesting a compromise candidate, two Renew lawmakers said. WILL FAR RIGHT SECURE LEADERSHIP POSITIONS? The reshuffle will again test the so-called cordon sanitaire, an informal arrangement among centrist forces to keep the far right out of decision-making. In practice, that rule no longer applies when it comes to passing laws — the EPP has in the past year voted with the far right on topics such as migration and deregulation. However, Weber said in an interview with POLITICO last year that it was a “red line” for him and his political family “to give any role for right-extreme politicians here in this house, to represent the institution, to be power holders on the administrative side, and also on other aspects where you have an executive role.” Liberal and center-left groups say they don’t trust Weber because of the cooperation between the EPP and the far right, and suspect he could use the Parliament’s vice-presidencies and committee leaderships as bargaining chips to secure support for another term for Metsola. The EPP’s ranks are also beginning to wonder whether it’s possible to keep far-right groups from power in Brussels while they govern in national capitals. “What are we supposed to do when [Jordan] Bardella is president of France?” asked an EPP MEP, noting a country as big as France can’t be sidelined from top positions in Brussels. Weber has a solid grip on the EPP after 12 years at its helm — even if critics point out that his long rule is precisely why the leadership needs refreshing. | Thierry Monasse/Getty Images After big gains in the 2024 EU election, the far-right Patriots and Europe of Sovereign Nations groups weren’t given any Parliament vice-presidencies or committee chairmanships and vice-chairmanships. Although those decisions were taken through democratic votes, the Patriots — the third-largest group in the Parliament — have challenged them before the Court of Justice of the EU. They argue that it is discriminatory and breaks the Parliament’s own internal rules, which say that leadership positions should reflect the composition of the chamber. If the court decides in their favor (no date has been given for that ruling), the Patriots could make big gains. PLOTS TO DETHRONE POLITICAL GROUP LEADERS When positions are uncertain and lawmakers sense an opportunity, talk of coups tends to surface — and left-wing and liberal groups appear most vulnerable. For the Greens, the current co-chairs — Terry Reintke and Bas Eickhout — both hail from the pragmatist wing of the group, willing to compromise to secure incremental wins. But the more idealistic faction is increasingly frustrated with what they see as a too-soft approach to opposition in the Parliament, and is pushing for a stronger voice — setting the stage for a potential internal clash. Similarly, Renew Europe is divided between a left-leaning, greener faction and a more economically liberal right-leaning wing. Both factions think the other is planning to challenge the incumbent, Valérie Hayer, whose position is weakened by French President Emmanuel Macron’s fading support in polls, according to four liberal officials. The Slovak, Dutch and Belgian delegations have been floated as potential alternatives, but no name has yet emerged as a viable contender. In The Left group, an early-term agreement held that a Greek lawmaker would succeed Germany’s Martin Schirdewan as co-chair. But the Greek delegation has lost half its four members over the past year, opening the door for others to stake a claim, two group officials said.  The rest of the group leaders seem more secure.  Weber has a solid grip on the EPP after 12 years at its helm — even if critics point out that his long rule is precisely why the leadership needs refreshing. The right-wing European Conservatives and Reformists and the far-right Patriots for Europe groups are also likely to keep the same leadership.  For the S&D, everything hinges on whether they can secure the Parliament presidency — a prize that would be fought over by the bloc’s national heavyweights: the Spaniards, the Italians and the Germans. Renew is currently the Parliament’s fifth-largest group and is eyeing fourth place, currently held by ECR. | Ludovic Marin/AFP via Getty Images If the S&D doesn’t get the presidency, those national camps could instead fight over who chairs the group, currently Spain’s Iratxe García. But as long as Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s fragile left-wing government doesn’t fall, García is likely to be safe as she will have the backing of one big EU country. LAWMAKERS ON THE MOVE Lukas Sieper, from the German Party of Progress, announced last week that he’ll be joining the Renew Europe group — pending confirmation by members of his party. He’ll move from the ranks of non-attached MEPs. The move kicked off what is shaping up to be a year of backroom bargaining and political horse-trading, as groups court lawmakers they believe can be peeled away from rivals with the right mix of promises. “Obviously, each of the groups in this Parliament has an interest in growing to gain influence,” Renew chair Hayer said at a press conference last week when asked by POLITICO. “Of course we have an interest in gaining members.” Elisabetta Gualmini, an Italian MEP from Italy’s center-left Democratic Party, on Monday announced she was jumping ship from the S&D and joining the liberals of Renew. Renew is currently the Parliament’s fifth-largest group and is eyeing fourth place, currently held by the ECR. Renew is now just two seats away from matching the ECR’s MEPs total. All groups want more MEPs, as it brings more funding, more speaking time and determines the order of priority for speakers in meetings and debates. “Groups are reaching out to every single MEP that could flip; the MEP shopping is all over the place,” said a Greens parliamentary assistant. A NEW POLITICAL GROUP THAT’S CLOSE TO RUSSIA Cypriot YouTuber-turned-politician Fidias Panayiotou, along with the MEPs of Slovakia’s leftist-populist Smer party, are planning to start a new group, as first reported by POLITICO in June and confirmed by Fidias to Cypriot media last week. The lawmakers, along with those from Germany’s Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, visited Moscow for Russian leader Vladimir Putin’s Victory Day celebrations last year. While they currently lack the 23 MEPs from seven different countries that are required to form a group, the midterm reshuffle could make it possible.  The group’s unifying theme will be “peace and social justice,” and they are “pretty close” to reaching the needed number of lawmakers, an official with knowledge of the talks told POLITICO. “The idea is not to launch it with the minimum [number of MEPs], they want it to be stable.” 

STRASBOURG — German lawmaker Lukas Sieper is joining the European Parliament’s liberal Renew Europe group, he told POLITICO. Since being elected to the Parliament in 2024, Sieper has not been attached to a political group. “If you look at the different groups of the European Parliament, Renew is the most pragmatic,” Sieper said, adding that the variety of views among the liberals — from left-wing green factions to right-wing neoliberal ones — is what had attracted him to Renew. “Joining a group that is not, at least from the outset, seen as one-on-one representing a certain political ideology is the best thing for us … we have always the potential to vote against group lines due to our pragmatic approach,” he said. The move still needs to be approved by Sieper’s Party of Progress — a German party with around 1,000 members and no presence in the German parliament — on March 22 and then ratified by Renew Europe’s lawmakers. The Party of Progress describes itself as not having a specific ideology but instead voting on a case-by-case basis after consulting with voters. Another MEP, Italy’s Elisabetta Gualmini, is also on the move and is leaving the Socialists and Democrats group, three Parliament officials told POLITICO. All were granted anonymity to speak freely. Two of the officials said she might join Renew Europe. The moves kick off a year of internal horse-trading through January 2027, when the Parliament’s top jobs come up for renewal and political groups scramble to poach members and shore up their influence. “Groups are reaching out to every single MEP that could flip; the MEP shopping is all over the place,” said a Greens parliamentary assistant who said they know of lawmakers who have been contacted to shift groups. The assistant was granted anonymity to speak freely. Renew is currently the fifth-largest group in the Parliament and is looking to leapfrog the European Conservatives and Reformists group, which is fourth. With the addition of Sieper, Renew is three seats away from this objective (or two, if Gualmini ultimately joins). TOUGH BEING UNATTACHED Sieper joined the Parliament after the 2024 EU election after securing 0.6 percent of votes cast (Germany does not have a minimum threshold that must be reached in order to be elected as an MEP). He remained in the non-attached faction — comprising all MEPs without political group affiliation — as he had promised during his campaign, but the party leadership has since changed course to try to gain influence in the Parliament. “During the last one-and-a-half years we achieved everything a non-attached [MEP] can,” Sieper said, noting that unaffiliated lawmakers have less access to speaking time, legislative files and decision-making.   “I could keep on doing it like this, I could go on until the end and live a happy life, but I would leave [unused] a lot of political potential for my voters and the people that I represent.” He said Renew has offered him a seat on a working group on the future of the Parliament, which is tasked with drafting reform proposals, a move he said aligns with his mission to overhaul democracy and strengthen citizen participation. The German lawmaker complained that the system in the Parliament “is built to circumvent” MEPs who are non-attached, which he said is “deeply undemocratic and also unconstitutional.”

STRASBOURG — The European Parliament’s leadership has decided to scrap an award given to EU citizens as part of cost-cutting measures. The European Citizens’ Prize was introduced in 2008 to reward citizen-led projects that contribute to European cooperation and the promotion of EU values, with 50 projects winning each year. After a break in 2024 because of the EU election, the prize was put on hold, and the death knell was sounded on Monday evening at a meeting of the bureau, composed of European Parliament President Roberta Metsola and her 14 vice presidents.  “Despite significant investment over the years and multiple changes of its rules, the Prize has proven to be a complex, resource-intensive process that has delivered minimal outreach results, including negligible measurable media impact,” reads an internal note signed by the Parliament’s Secretary-General Alessandro Chiochetti, seen by POLITICO.  “The experience has shown that the projects distinguished with the Prize failed to attract sufficient attention at local and regional levels, which in turn prevent the Prize from contributing meaningfully to the Parliament’s visibility on a large scale,” the note reads. The measure will save around €200,000 a year, most of which comes from the communications budget. That money will instead be used for more cost-efficient activities, the note said, without specifying which activities will benefit. Chiochetti also raised concerns in his note that the prize “occasionally” raises reputational concerns for the Parliament, “due to perceptions of political influence in some nominations, ethical issues or allegations of misconduct involving some prize winners.” The decision is part of a broader restructuring and cuts the secretary-general underwent to trim the €127 million communications budget, as reported by POLITICO in June. 

BRUSSELS — The jobs of president of the European Commission and president of the European Council should be merged so the EU can speak with one voice on the global stage, European People’s Party boss Manfred Weber said Wednesday. Reforming the EU’s leadership structure in such a way would not need changes to the bloc’s treaties, Weber argued at an event for business leaders in Brussels; it would simply mean giving one person both jobs. He said this could happen after the next EU election, in 2029. “We are blocked, we are speechless, we are voiceless, we have no say on the global stage, and that has to be stopped,” said Weber, the president of Europe’s largest political family. The European Commission president (currently Ursula von der Leyen) leads the bloc’s executive arm, which has power over trade, agriculture, the single market and other internal policy areas — although foreign affairs is handled by the EU’s top diplomat (Kaja Kallas) and the European Council president (António Costa), with both reporting directly to EU countries. This fragmented division of power is not “up to the task” at a time of geopolitical uncertainty, Weber said, with Donald Trump’s U.S. administration turning the international order upside down. Asked by POLITICO if he would be in the running for a future “president of Europe” role, Weber declined to rule it out, saying: “I don’t want to answer.” He later added that “the future of these questions are in the hands of the party structure and in the hands of the citizens of Europe.” Weber has led the EPP in the European Parliament since 2014, and in 2019 campaigned for the job of European Commission president, but EU leaders instead chose von der Leyen, then Germany’s defense minister. In his speech, Weber also said EU countries should switch to qualified majority voting on foreign and security policy issues rather than by unanimity. This idea has been floated for years, but some government leaders are firmly against further European integration, including Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Slovakia’s Robert Fico. If such reform is not possible, as it would require the backing of all current members, those countries willing to advance integration “should go forward with a special sovereignty treaty” on foreign policy, Weber said.

BRUSSELS — After years of being treated as an outlier for its hardline stance on migration, Denmark says it has finally brought the rest of the EU on board with its tough approach. Europe’s justice and home affairs ministers on Monday approved new measures allowing EU countries to remove failed asylum seekers, set up processing centers overseas and create removal hubs outside their borders — measures Copenhagen has long advocated. The deal was “many years in the making,” said Rasmus Stoklund, Denmark’s center-left minister for integration who has driven migration negotiations during his country’s six-month presidency of the Council of the EU. Stoklund told POLITICO that when he first started working on the migration brief a decade ago in the Danish parliament, his fellow left-wingers around the bloc viewed his government’s position as so egregious that “other social democrats wouldn’t meet with me.” Over the last few years, “there’s been a huge change in perception,” Stoklund said. When the deal was done Monday, the “sigh of relief” from ministers and their aides was palpable, with people embracing one another and heaping praise on both the Danish brokers and Ursula von der Leyen’s European Commission that put forward the initial proposal, according to a diplomat who was in the room. Sweden’s Migration Minister Johan Forssell, a member of the conservative Moderate party, told POLITICO Monday’s deal was vital “to preserve, like, any public trust at all in the migration system today … we need to show that the system is working.” Stockholm, which has in the past prided itself on taking a liberal approach to migration, has recently undergone a Damascene conversion to the Danish model, implementing tough measures to limit family reunification, tightening rules around obtaining Swedish citizenship, and limiting social benefits for new arrivals. Forssell said the deal was important because “many people” around Europe criticize the EU over inaction on migration “because they cannot do themselves what [should be done] on the national basis.” The issue, he said, is a prime example of “why there must be a strong European Union.” SEALING THE DEAL Monday’s deal — whose impact will “hopefully be quite dramatic,” Stoklund said — comes two years after the EU signed off on a new law governing asylum and migration, which must be implemented by June. Voters have “made clear to governments all over the European Union, that they couldn’t accept that they weren’t able to control the access to their countries,” Stoklund said. “Governments have realized that if they didn’t take this question seriously, then [voters] would back more populist movements that would take it seriously — and use more drastic measures in order to find new solutions.” Stockholm has recently undergone a Damascene conversion to the Danish model, implementing tough measures to limit family reunification, tightening rules around obtaining Swedish citizenship, and limiting social benefits for new arrivals. | Henrick Montgomery/EPA Migration Commissioner Magnus Brunner, the Danish Council presidency and ministers were at pains to point out that Monday’s agreement showed the EU could get deals done. After the last EU election in 2024, the new Commission’s “first task” was to “bring our European house in order,” Brunner said. “Today we’re showing that Europe can actually deliver and we delivered quite a lot.” WHAT’S NEW The ministers backed new rules to detain and deport migrants, including measures that would allow the bloc and individual countries to cut deals to set up migration processing hubs in other nations, regardless of whether the people being moved there have a connection with those countries. Ministers supported changes that will allow capitals to reject applications if asylum seekers, prior to first entering the EU, could have received international protection in a non-EU country the bloc deems safe, and signed off on a common list of countries of origin considered safe. Bangladesh, Colombia, Egypt, India, Kosovo, Morocco and Tunisia are on that latter list, as are countries that are candidates to join the EU. But the deal also leaves room for exceptions — such as Ukraine, which is at war. Asylum seekers won’t automatically have the right to remain in the EU while they appeal a ruling that their refuge application was inadmissible. The next step for the measures will be negotiations with the European Parliament, once it has decided its position on the proposals. Max Griera contributed reporting.

The European Parliament is postponing making a call on whether to ask a far-right group to pay back €4 million until the EU’s prosecutor concludes its investigation into the group’s alleged mismanagement of funds. The Parliament’s Bureau, composed of President Roberta Metsola and the 14 vice presidents, will on Monday evening rubber-stamp the recommendation from the Parliament’s secretary-general to delay closing the 2024 accounts of the now-defunct Identity and Democracy group, according to a note seen by POLITICO. The Parliament’s administration found irregularities in public procurement and donations to the ID group — former home to France’s Marine Le Pen, Austria’s Herbert Kickl and Italy’s Matteo Salvini — to the tune of €4.3 million between 2019 and 2024, after which the European Public Prosecutor’s Office opened an investigation into the matter, as reported by POLITICO. What makes the affair complicated is that the ID group dissolved after last year’s EU election, with a majority of its members and staff absorbed into the new Patriots for Europe group. While the Parliament’s budgetary control committee considers the two groups to be related — and therefore, the Patriots potentially liable to pay back the cash — the Patriots have pushed back, arguing that they are two separate legal entities. “The absurd claim that the Patriots are the legal successors to the ID group is baseless,” Patriots MEP Tamás Deutsch said in September, after the budgetary control committee instructed the secretary-general to look into recovering the allegedly misspent funds. The secretary-general should “assess the potential liabilities of the responsible [lawmakers] and hierarchy for intentional or gross-negligent authorization of irregular expenditure,” the committee said in a letter addressed to Metsola. A spokesperson for EPPO declined to give a timeline for the results of its probe. “The investigation is ongoing and will take as long as necessary to examine all relevant elements, both incriminating and exculpatory,” they said.

STRASBOURG — The center-right European People’s Party President Manfred Weber on Tuesday refused to commit to handing the European Parliament’s presidency to the Socialists as scheduled in 2027. In what would be a major blow to the stability of the EU’s governing coalition, Weber hinted he could be seeking a third term for Roberta Metsola, a Maltese conservative and incumbent president of the Parliament. The president of the Party of European Socialists, Stefan Löfven, said last week that the EPP needs to abide by the accord it signed after the European election in 2024, agreeing to hand over the Parliament presidency to the center-left in 2027. During a press conference in Strasbourg Tuesday morning, Weber snarked back at Löfven. “It was also agreed that the socialists are ready to work together, and I think the next one and a half years the socialists can show their reliability,” he said, after being asked by POLITICO whether he committed to upholding the deal. Weber referred to a vote on a green simplification package scheduled for Wednesday in which some Socialist MEPs will break the group line to vote against it, despite an earlier agreement to support it with the EPP. “The socialists are grabbing for jobs but not delivering on what the people really expect from them,” Weber added. The Socialists say there is a written power-sharing agreement signed between the EPP, Socialists & Democrats and centrist Renew Europe divvying up the EU’s top jobs — with the Parliament presidency remaining split between the center right and the center left. “We have a deal, the deal was made after the election, and that deal is still valid,” Löfven said Friday, warning that the EPP needs to comply “if they still want a decent working environment in Brussels.” But behind the scenes, many center-left MEPs and staffers expect that the EPP will try to breach the agreement to give a third term to Metsola. Their fears are growing because the Socialists also have the top post at the European Council, where Portugal’s former Prime Minister António Costa runs the show, and it is unlikely the EPP would let the center-left — which has lost political heft across the bloc in recent years — lead two of the three EU policymaking institutions. “About Roberta Metsola’s future … let me first of all underline that I think I can, as EPP representative, be proud about the job Roberta Metsola has delivered,” Weber said. “She’s a great president of the European Parliament, very respected, the institution can be proud to have such a personality in the lead.” “When the time comes to make decisions regarding the midterm, I think it will also be the time when we all demonstrate if we are people of word and where we demonstrate if agreements are respected,” S&D group chair Iratxe García said in reaction to Weber’s comments. “I think we now have very important issues about which to work and in which citizens are really attentive and waiting for us… housing, decent employment, public services, a Europe that defends peace, and that is where we are.” This article has been updated.

AMSTERDAM — Socialist lawmakers expect the center-right European People’s Party to try to keep the European Parliament presidency despite a power-sharing agreement signed after the 2024 EU election. Under the 2024 power-sharing arrangement, the top Parliament job would be shared — the first half of the term for the EPP, second half for the Socialists. But Socialist lawmakers now doubt that the center-right EPP — which holds the highest representation in the European Commission, the Council and the Parliament — will let them take the job, according to nine MEPs, aides and senior officials who were granted anonymity to speak candidly with POLITICO. That is because the Socialists also have the top post at the European Council with Portugal’s former Prime MinisterAntonio Costa, and it is unlikely the EPP would let the Social Democrats — which have lost political weight across countries in recent years — lead two out of the three EU policymaking institutions, the lawmakers said. The lawmakers also said it is likely the EPP will try to have incumbent Parliament President Roberta Metsola reelected for a third term — a first in the parliament’s history — especially after she refused to go back to Maltese politics as the leader of her Nationalist Party. Publicly, however, the Socialists are holding their ground. The president of the Party of European Socialists (PES) Stefan Löfven said Friday night that his political family will not support a third term for Metsola. “If you and I make a deal, you expect me to keep it … if they still want a decent working environment in Brussels, they need to stick to the deal,” Löfven told POLITICO ahead of the Socialist leaders dinner on Friday night during the PES congress. MIDTERM RESHUFFLE He added that the 2024 deal also includes a second term for European Council President Antonio Costa, Portugal’s former Socialist prime minister — though EPP officials contest that it was not explicitly part of the agreement, opening the door to use Costa’s reelection as leverage to keep control of the Parliament president position. Ahead of the 2027 midterm reshuffle, where all top jobs within the Parliament are up for grabs, Socialist lawmakers make it a given that Spain’s Iratxe García will remain as the chair of the Socialists and Democrats group in the chamber. “If Metsola stays on, Iratxe will stay on, for consistency,” said one MEP. “I don’t see Iratxe being challenged,” said a second lawmaker, who added that García can only be ousted if the Italians turn against her — which is unlikely given both Italy and Spain traditionally stick together. “Otherwise if they are united, any challenger would need to first match their votes together, which is a lot,”  this person said. The Italians and Spaniards hold 41 out of 136 seats. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and García are meeting with Italian Democratic Party leader Elly Schlein on Saturday, as part of a busy agenda with many bilateral meetings.  “Oh, so that’s the agenda for the meeting?” Schlein laughed when asked by POLITICO whether she would support García as she walked into the room. The Italians, who are the largest national delegation within the Socialists and Democrats (S&D), are unlikely to claim the presidency as they are very divided and there is no clear candidate among their ranks for the job. Instead, they are expected to keep group Secretary-General Fabrizia Panzetti for another term as part of a power-sharing agreement among the national party leaders. “They are trying not to open the debate and just keep everything as it is,” said a third MEP. “I wish there would be a change, not necessarily about Iratxe, but we should have an open debate internally, and not just between leaders,” this person added. While everyone assumes publicly that García will stay on — as long as Sánchez stays in power — some leaders remain tight-lipped on whether they will support her. “Iratxe has done a good job,” Swedish Social Democratic leader Magdalena Andersson — who is topping the polls one year away from national elections — told POLITICO. But “no, it has not been decided” if the Swedish delegation will support her, Andersson said. The EPP did not reply to a request for comment in time of publication.