LONDON — Green Party leader Zack Polanski is open to forming a discrete
non-aggression pact with Labour in order to stop right-winger Nigel Farage from
ever entering Downing Street, according to two senior Green officials.
Polanski, the leader of the “eco-populist” outfit that is helping squeeze the
incumbent Labour government’s progressive vote, has been keen to make the case
that his radical politics can halt Farage — whose insurgent Reform UK is riding
high in the polls — in his tracks.
But the recently elected party chief, who has overseen a big boost to Green
polling with his punchy defenses of leftist causes on social media and
television, has told allies he “couldn’t live with myself” if he contributed to
Farage’s victory, according to a second senior Green official, granted anonymity
like others in this piece to speak about internal thinking.
Such a move would stop short of a formal Green-Labour deal, instead tapping into
tactical voting. Green officials are discussing the prospect of informal, local
prioritizations of resources so the best-placed progressive challenger can win,
as seen in elections past with Labour and the centrist Liberal Democrats.
At the same time, Green advisers are keen to lean into the deep divisions within
Labour about whether Starmer should be replaced with another leader to prevent
electoral oblivion. Starmer appears deeply unpopular with Green supporters. One
YouGov study has him rated just as unfavorably as Conservative chief Badenoch
with backers of Polanski’s party.
The first Green official argued there is “no advantage in working electorally
with Labour under Starmer.” Instead, they’re eyeing up — even expecting — a
change in Labour leadership. Polanski has talked up Andy Burnham, the Greater
Manchester Labour mayor who is seen as one potential challenger to Starmer.
LABOUR: WE ARE NOT EVEN THINKING ABOUT THAT
As the party in power, Labour — which has ramped up its attacks on the Greens in
recent weeks — is keen to tamp down talk of working together. Asked about the
Greens, a senior U.K. government adviser said: “We are not even thinking about
that. We need to focus on being a viable government.”
They expect Polanski’s polling to plummet once there’s more scrutiny of his
politics, including his criticism of NATO, as well as his more colorful
comments. Back in 2013, as a hypnotherapist, Polanski suggested to a reporter he
could enlarge breasts with his mind.
“The hypnotist thing goes down in focus groups like a bucket of cold sick,” the
government adviser added.
There’s skepticism that a non-aggression deal could work anyway, not least
because the Greens will be vying for the kind of urban heartlands Labour can’t
afford to back down from. Neither party “has an incentive to go soft on one
another,” as a result, Luke Tryl, a director at the More in Common think tank,
said.
“I really doubt they’re going to forgo taking more seats off us in London or
Bristol in the greater interest of the left,” said a Labour MP with a keen eye
on the polling. “They’re trying to replace us — they’re not trying to be our
little friends.”
The Labour MP instead argued that voters typically make their minds up in the
lead-up to elections as to how best to stop a certain outcome, whether that’s
due to past polling or activities on the ground.
Zack Polanski has been keen to make the case that his radical politics can halt
Nigel Farage — whose insurgent Reform UK is riding high in the polls — in his
tracks. | Lesley Martin/Getty Images
That can well work against Labour, as seen in the Caerphilly by-election in
October. The constituency of the devolved Welsh administration had been Labour
since its inception in 1999 — but no more.
Voters determined to stop Farage decided it was the center-left Welsh
nationalists of Plaid Cymru that represented the best party to coalesce around.
Reform’s success was thwarted — but Labour’s vote plummeted in what were once
party heartlands.
“There’s no doubt the Greens risk doing to Labour what Farage did to the
Conservatives,” said Tryl of More in Common, who pointed out that the Greens may
not even win many seats as a result of the fracturing (party officials
internally speak of winning only 50 MPs as being a huge ask).
“Labour’s hope instead will have to be that enough disgruntled progressives
hold their nose and opt for PM Starmer over the threat of PM Farage.”
Labour and the Greens are not the only parties dealing with talk of a pact,
despite a likely four-year wait for Britain’s next general election.
Ever since 1918, it’s been either the Conservatives or Labour who’ve formed the
British government, with Westminster’s first-past-the-post, winner-takes-all
system across 650 constituencies meaning new parties rarely get a look in.
But the general election in July last year suggested this could be coming apart.
Farage has already been forced to deny a report that he views an electoral deal
with establishment Conservatives as the “inevitable” route to power. His stated
aim is to replace the right-wing party entirely.
Conservative Leader Kemi Badenoch is publicly pretty firm that she won’t buddy
up with Reform either. “I am the custodian of an institution that has existed
for nigh on 200 years,” she said in February. “I can’t just treat it like it’s a
toy and have pacts and mergers.” Robert Jenrick, the right-winger who’s widely
tipped as her successor, has been more circumspect, however.
That appears to be focusing minds on the left.
Farage may be polling the highest — but there’s still a significant portion of
the public horrified by the prospect of him entering No.10. A YouGov study on
tactical voting suggested that Labour would be able to count on a boost in
support from Liberal Democrat and Green voters to stave off the threat of
Farage.
Outwardly, Polanski is a vocal critic of Labour under Starmer and wants to usurp
the party as the main vehicle for left-wing politics.
The Green leader is aiming to win over not just progressives, but also
disenchanted Reform-leaning voters, with his support for wider public ownership,
higher taxes on the wealthy, and opposition to controversial measures like
scaling back jury trials and introducing mandatory digital IDs.
But privately, Polanski is more open to doing deals because in his mind, “at the
general election, stopping Farage is the most important objective,” as the first
senior Green adviser put it.
“We expect to be the main challengers to Reform, but of course we are open to
discussing what options exist to help in that central mission of stopping
Farage,” they said.
Tag - Missions
BERLIN — U.S. President Donald Trump’s plan to restore “European greatness” by
bolstering the continent’s nationalist parties is already being put into action.
Trump administration officials and European far-right leaders from Paris to
Washington have taken part in a flurry of meetings in the days since the release
of the U.S. National Security Strategy, underscoring that the U.S. president’s
desire to bolster “patriotic European parties” is not an abstract vision but
rather a manual for change that is being pursued from the ground up.
Last week, U.S. Under Secretary of State Sarah Rogers met with far-right
Alternative for Germany (AfD) party politician Markus Frohnmaier in Washington.
Frohnmaier said the two discussed the recently released National Security
Strategy, which asserted that Europe faces “civilizational erasure” due to
migration and the loss of national identity, a message that AfD politicians
embrace.
“Washington is looking for a strong German partner who is willing to take on
responsibility,” Frohnmaier wrote in an online post following the meeting.
“Germany should re-establish itself as a capable leading power through a
decisive shift in migration policy and the independent organization of European
security.”
Frohnmaier was one of about 20 AfD politicians who travelled to Washington and
New York last week to meet with sympathizers and Trump administration officials.
AfD leaders have increasingly sought to forge links with MAGA Republicans,
viewing the Trump administration’s backing as a way to secure domestic
legitimacy and end their political ostracization.
Frohnmaier, the deputy chair of the AfD’s parliamentary group, was also an
“honored guest” at the annual gala of the the New York Young Republican Club on
Saturday. The New York City-based group has openly backed the AfD, declaring
“AfD über alles” (AfD above all) — an adaptation of a nationalist phrase
associated with Germany’s Nazi past.
“The alliance between American and German patriots is the nightmare of the
liberal elites, and it is the hope of the free world,” Frohnmaier said in a
speech during the event.
The recent meetings are a continuation of ongoing outreach efforts between
Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement and ideologically aligned European
parties. British Reform leader Nigel Farage, a longtime Trump ally, stopped off
at the Oval Office during a U.S. visit in September. In November Trump political
adviser Alex Brusewitz met with AfD leaders in Berlin, where he proclaimed that
the MAGA movement in the U.S. had common cause with the German party.
AfD leaders have increasingly sought to forge links with MAGA Republicans. |
Jan-Philipp Strobel/Getty Images
Trump has also long expressed support for Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán,
although he told POLITICO’s Dasha Burns in an interview last week for a special
edition of “The Conversation” that he had not promised an Argentina-style
bailout to boost Orbán’s election chances next year.
In Paris, U.S. Ambassador to France Charles Kushner met with French far-right
leaders Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella days after the publication of the
Trump administration’s National Security Strategy. Kushner said he “appreciated
the chance” to learn about the far-right leaders’ “economic and social agenda
and their views on what lies ahead for France.”
As the father of Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and diplomatic adviser, the
elder Kushner has a direct line to the White House. In his POLITICO interview
last week Trump said he could move to endorse political candidates aligned with
his own vision for Europe.
Kushner has also met the heads of at least two other French parties in recent
weeks, but a spokesperson for the U.S. Embassy in France suggested the meetings
weren’t part of a coordinated effort to support the far right in Europe: “As a
matter of standard practice, the U.S. Mission in France engages regularly with a
broad range of political parties and leaders, and we will continue to do so.”
Yet unlike Germany’s AfD leaders, Le Pen and Bardella — as well as other
politicians in their far-right National Rally — have been reluctant to fully
embrace Trump given his unpopularity in France, even among many members of their
own party.
As for the AfD, its outreach to willing partners in the U.S. is set to continue.
Frohnmaier said he would invite U.S. lawmakers to a Berlin congress in February
aimed at deepening ties with MAGA Republicans.
Pauline von Pezold contributed to this report.
A fair, fast and competitive transition begins with what already works and then
rapidly scales it up.
Across the EU commercial road transport sector, the diversity of operations is
met with a diversity of solutions. Urban taxis are switching to electric en
masse. Many regional coaches run on advanced biofuels, with electrification
emerging in smaller applications such as school services, as European e-coach
technologies are still maturing and only now beginning to enter the market.
Trucks electrify rapidly where operationally and financially possible, while
others, including long-haul and other hard-to-electrify segments, operate at
scale on HVO (hydrotreated vegetable oil) or biomethane, cutting emissions
immediately and reliably. These are real choices made every day by operators
facing different missions, distances, terrains and energy realities, showing
that decarbonization is not a single pathway but a spectrum of viable ones.
Building on this diversity, many operators are already modernizing their fleets
and cutting emissions through electrification. When they can control charging,
routing and energy supply, electric vehicles often deliver a positive total cost
of ownership (TCO), strong reliability and operational benefits. These early
adopters prove that electrification works where the enabling conditions are in
place, and that its potential can expand dramatically with the right support.
> Decarbonization is not a single pathway but a spectrum of viable ones chosen
> daily by operators facing real-world conditions.
But scaling electrification faces structural bottlenecks. Grid capacity is
constrained across the EU, and upgrades routinely take years. As most heavy-duty
vehicle charging will occur at depots, operators cannot simply move around to
look for grid opportunities. They are bound to the location of their
facilities.
The recently published grid package tries, albeit timidly, to address some of
these challenges, but it neither resolves the core capacity deficiencies nor
fixes the fundamental conditions that determine a positive TCO: the
predictability of electricity prices, the stability of delivered power, and the
resulting charging time. A truck expected to recharge in one hour at a
high-power station may wait far longer if available grid power drops. Without
reliable timelines, predictable costs and sufficient depot capacity, most
transport operators cannot make long-term investment decisions. And the grid is
only part of the enabling conditions needed: depot charging infrastructure
itself requires significant additional investment, on top of vehicles that
already cost several hundreds of thousands of euros more than their diesel
equivalents.
This is why the EU needs two things at once: strong enablers for electrification
and hydrogen; and predictability on what the EU actually recognizes as clean.
Operators using renewable fuels, from biomethane to advanced biofuels and HVO,
delivering up to 90 percent CO2 reduction, are cutting emissions today. Yet
current CO2 frameworks, for both light-duty vehicles and heavy-duty trucks, fail
to recognize fleets running on these fuels as part of the EU’s decarbonization
solution for road transport, even when they deliver immediate, measurable
climate benefits. This lack of clarity limits investment and slows additional
emission reductions that could happen today.
> Policies that punish before enabling will not accelerate the transition; a
> successful shift must empower operators, not constrain them.
The revision of both CO2 standards, for cars and vans, and for heavy-duty
vehicles, will therefore be pivotal. They must support electrification and
hydrogen where they fit the mission, while also recognizing the contribution of
renewable and low-carbon fuels across the fleet. Regulations that exclude proven
clean options will not accelerate the transition. They will restrict it.
With this in mind, the question is: why would the EU consider imposing
purchasing mandates on operators or excessively high emission-reduction targets
on member states that would, in practice, force quotas on buyers? Such measures
would punish before enabling, removing choice from those who know their
operations best. A successful transition must empower operators, not constrain
them.
The EU’s transport sector is committed and already delivering. With the right
enablers, a technology-neutral framework, and clarity on what counts as clean,
the EU can turn today’s early successes into a scalable, fair and competitive
decarbonization pathway.
We now look with great interest to the upcoming Automotive Package, hoping to
see pragmatic solutions to these pressing questions, solutions that EU transport
operators, as the buyers and daily users of all these technologies, are keenly
expecting.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Disclaimer
POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT
* The sponsor is IRU – International Road Transport Union
* The ultimate controlling entity is IRU – International Road Transport Union
More information here.
Two U.S. Army soldiers and one U.S. civilian interpreter were killed while three
service members were left wounded in an ambush attack on Saturday in Palmyra,
Syria, U.S. officials confirmed.
Sean Parnell, the Pentagon spokesperson, confirmed the news on X Saturday
morning, saying the two soldiers “were conducting a key leader engagement” and
that their mission in the city was “in support of on-going counter-ISIS /
counter-terrorism operations in the region.
In a press release, U.S. Central Command said the attack was carried out by a
“lone ISIS gunman” who was “engaged and killed.”
President Donald Trump on Saturday said that in light of the attack, which he
framed as an assault on both the U.S. and Syria, there will be “serious
retaliation.” The president also said the soldiers were killed “in a very
dangerous part of Syria, that is not fully controlled by them.”
A Pentagon official said that Saturday’s attack took place in an area where
current Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa does not have control.
As of April, the U.S. had about 2,000 troops stationed in Syria involved in
advisory, training, and counter-ISIS missions.
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth confirmed that the person who perpetrated the
attack had been killed.
“Let it be known, if you target Americans — anywhere in the world — you will
spend the rest of your brief, anxious life knowing the United States will hunt
you, find you, and ruthlessly kill you,” Hegseth added in his post on X.
The Kurdish-led and U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces also weighed in on X,
saying, “We express our regret for the injury of a number of public security
personnel and U.S. soldiers following their exposure to gunfire in the Syrian
Badia while performing their duties,” according to a translation of the post
from Arabic.
The U.S. first deployed to Syria during the Obama administration as part of the
Operation Inherent Resolve coalition to fight ISIS. After ISIS lost almost all
territorial control by 2019, the U.S. did not fully withdraw but kept a smaller
contingent of troops in the Middle Eastern nation to prevent the group’s
resurgence.
In 2024, the longstanding government of former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad
fell, and a new transitional Syrian government formed with U.S. encouragement.
Parnell, in his statement, said the soldiers’ names, as well as identifying
information about their units, are being withheld for 24 hours after the next of
kin notification. He also said an active investigation is underway.
Germany is sending soldiers to strengthen Poland’s eastern border with Belarus
and Russia, multiple media reported on Saturday.
Several dozen German soldiers will join Poland’s East Shield from April 2026,
with the mission initially running until the end of 2027, Deutsche Welle
reported, citing Berlin’s defense ministry.
German troops will focus on engineering work, according to a ministry
spokesperson quoted in the report. The spokesperson described this as building
positions, digging trenches, laying barbed wire and constructing anti-tank
obstacles.
The East Shield is a €2.3 billion program announced by Warsaw last year to
bolster security along its eastern border.
MONS, Belgium — Fewer American troops in Europe will not strain the continent’s
defenses, said NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Europe Gen. Alexus Grynkewich,
brushing off unease around U.S. commitment to the alliance.
“I am confident in the capabilities” of Europe and Canada, the four-star U.S.
general said at the alliance’s sprawling military operational command in
southern Belgium. “We’re ready today to meet any crisis or contingency.”
Grynkewich’s comments come amid concerns around an anticipated pullback
ofAmerican troops from Europe resulting from President Donald Trump’s upcoming
defense strategy. The so-called posture review is widely expected to involve a
redeployment of U.S. forces from Europe to the Indo-Pacific.
That shift has already begun, with the U.S. pulling 800 troops out of Romania
last month — a decision Bucharest called on Washington to overturn.
The worry about a reduction in the 85,000 U.S. troops in Europe also reflects a
broader debate around Washington’s commitment to the alliance under Trump.
Trump has praised the promise by NATO allies to ramp up defense spending to 5
percent of GDP by 2035 but previously questioned the alliance’s collective
defense pledge, equivocated over a recent Russian drone incursion into Poland,
and repeatedly pressured European allies to step up.
Earlier this year, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said: “Now [Russian
President Vladimir] Putin has started making incursions into the NATO borders.
The one thing I can tell you is the U.S. is not going to get involved with
troops or any of that.”
Alexus G. Grynkewich insisted that any political tensions related to peace talks
have had “no impact … in terms of the ability to accomplish our mission from a
NATO perspective.” | Wohlfart/Getty Images
European leaders are privately worried about a Trump-backed effort to end the
war in Ukraine that some see as currently favoring Russia, with French President
Emmanuel Macron reportedly warning in a leaked call that the U.S. could be about
to “betray” Ukraine.
That tumultuous relationship was on display again this week after U.S. Secretary
of State Marco Rubio skipped a meeting of NATO foreign ministers — something
that has almost never happened since NATO’s founding in 1949. Meanwhile, his
deputy berated allies in a closed-door meeting for prioritizing their own arms
industries instead of continuing to spend on U.S. kit.
Almost two-thirds of European defense spending goes to the U.S., but the EU is
trying to change that with programs aimed at boosting local production.
In private some European allies are worried about the U.S., but in public they
insist that NATO is still a force to be reckoned with.
“All the processes of NATO are functioning flawlessly,” Polish Deputy Defense
Minister Paweł Zalewski told POLITICO. “In a practical sense, the Americans are
fulfilling their obligations very well.”
NEW NORMAL
Grynkewich insisted that any political tensions related to peace talks have had
“no impact … in terms of the ability to accomplish our mission from a NATO
perspective.” Vows by the allies to ramp up their defense spending, he added,
means NATO will “be more ready tomorrow and we’ll be more ready the day after
that” to stand up to Russia and respond to any further troop withdrawals.
Last month the U.S. ambassador to NATO, Matthew Whitaker, raised eyebrows when
he said he “look[ed] forward to the day when Germany … says that ‘we’re ready to
take over the Supreme Allied Commander position,’” in a yet another example of
Washington’s push for European allies to do more while the U.S. hints it could
step back.
The Trump administration reportedly mulled not appointing an American general as
Supreme Allied Commander Europe earlier this year, before nominating Grynkewich.
The SACEUR has always been a U.S. officer as the post commands all allied troops
in Europe and oversees the American nuclear deterrent on the continent.
“There’s always rebalancing amongst the positions that different nations fill
across the alliance,” Grynkewich said, adding that “it’s natural that some of
that will happen … over the course of the next several months [and] several
years.”
That tumultuous relationship was on display again this week after U.S. Secretary
of State Marco Rubio skipped a meeting of NATO foreign ministers. | Win
McNamee/Getty Images
“As far as who holds the SACEUR position,” he told reporters, “I’d rather just
leave it to politicians to make those judgments.”
Europe’s disquiet over the reliability of its alliance with the U.S. comes as
the full-scale war in Ukraine nears its fourth year, intelligence assessments
warn of Russia being ready for an attack on a NATO country by the end of the
decade, and Russian-linked hybrid attacks ramp up across the continent.
Putin said this week he was “ready” for war with Europe.
Grynkewich said he had “concern” that Russia may test NATO’s collective defense
in the “near term” — as well as in the “mid term and in clearly [the] long
term.”
Russia’s hybrid attacks are a “real issue,” the air force pilot said, and echoed
a call by several European capitals to respond more forcefully to hybrid
activities.
“We also do think about being proactive,” he said, declining to give further
details. “If Russia is attempting to provide dilemmas to us, then maybe there
are ways that we could provide dilemmas to them.”
Jan Cienski contributed reporting.
Listen on
* Spotify
* Apple Music
* Amazon Music
Der Druck auf Friedrich Merz wächst, seine Koalition kämpft mit internen
Reibungen und verlorener Autorität. Bei der heutigen
Ministerpräsidentenkonferenz aber trifft der Kanzler auf einen CDU-Parteifreund,
der ist ungleich erfolgreicher als er. Hendrik Wüst gilt in der Union als
derjenige, der Stabilität verkörpert und Macht ausübt, ohne dass es laut wird.
Gordon Repinski erklärt, warum die CDU in Nordrhein-Westfalen gerade als
positives Gegenmodell wahrgenommen wird und wie Wüst im Schatten des Kanzlers zu
einer möglichen Option für die fernere Zukunft wird.
Im internationalen Teil geht es um die erfolglosen Gespräche zwischen Steve
Witkoff, Jared Kushner und Wladimir Putin. Die Mission der beiden
US-Sondergesandten hat keinen Fortschritt gebracht. Jonathan Martin in
Washington beschreibt, warum wirtschaftlich motivierte Ansätze scheitern und
weshalb nur erfahrene Diplomaten echte Bewegung in den Ukraine-Konflikt bringen
könnten.
Im 200-Sekunden-Interview spricht Jan van Aken, Co-Vorsitzender der Linkspartei,
über Voraussetzungen für diplomatische Fortschritte. Er fordert eine stärkere
Rolle Chinas-
Zum Schluss geht es um eine Art Social-Media-Hufeisen zwischen der AfD und der
Linkspartei. Ein Leitfaden der AfD orientiert sich an Kommunikationsmustern der
politischen Konkurrenz.
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
hintergründig.
Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis:
Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und
Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren.
Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski:
Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski.
Legal Notice (Belgium)
POLITICO SRL
Forme sociale: Société à Responsabilité Limitée
Siège social: Rue De La Loi 62, 1040 Bruxelles
Numéro d’entreprise: 0526.900.436
RPM Bruxelles
info@politico.eu
www.politico.eu
Prime minister’s questions: a shouty, jeery, very occasionally useful advert for
British politics. Here’s what you need to know from the latest session in
POLITICO’s weekly run-through.
What they sparred about: The economy, of course. A week after Rachel Reeves’
second tax-raising budget, Tory Leader Kemi Badenoch and Prime Minister Keir
Starmer went toe to toe on the aftermath, which hasn’t been plain sailing for
the government.
Lo and behold: Badenoch asked the PM if he believed “when an organization
descends into total shambles, the person at the top should resign,” i.e., him.
Starmer, obviously, wouldn’t go there, given his uncertain political future,
insisting he was “very proud” to lead a Labour government that was “fixing the
mess that they [the Tories] left.”
Got your number: Badenoch, you won’t be surprised to read, was unsatisfied,
arguing Starmer “doesn’t want to answer a question about taking responsibility,
because he likes to blame everyone else except himself.” She accused the
chancellor of “twisting the facts” and asked if Reeves would comply with any
Financial Conduct Authority investigation over the biggest post-budget row …
If economic forecasts send you to sleep: Opposition parties claim the chancellor
told porkies about the fiscal situation to justify a planned manifesto-breaching
income tax hike, which was later ditched. Reeves naturally denies any such
charge. Still with us?
This blessed plot: The PM gave as good as he got, accusing the Tory leader of
“completely losing the plot” and said the government was “turning the page” on
the Tories’ financial record. However, the briefing wars may mean members of the
public struggle to spot the difference between the red and blue parties.
Case in point: The Tory leader had plenty of fun reading out anonymous briefings
from irate Cabinet ministers. “The handling of this budget has been a disaster
from start to finish,” Badenoch quoted, looking across the despatch box to
speculate who was the culprit. “Was it him? Was it her?” she joked, pointing at
different ministers.
The hardest word: The session may be called Prime Minister’s Questions, but
Starmer repeatedly said Badenoch should “get up now and apologize” for claiming
Reeves had misled the public. The Tory leader, who’d have thought it, didn’t
oblige and continued her forthright attacks: “She doesn’t belong in the
Treasury, she belongs in la la land.” Brutal scenes.
Whip hand: Badenoch had one final go at landing a blow by highlighting the
scrapped two-child benefit cap, despite previously removing the whip from seven
Labour MPs who supported that measure just after the election. “How did it
suddenly become affordable at the very time he needed to save his own skin?”
Badenoch cried.
Mission impossible: Starmer ducked the point but had some fire in his belly,
saying the Tories should be “utterly ashamed” as “the party of child poverty.”
He insisted bringing down child poverty was “a moral mission, a political
mission and a personal mission,” but stirring rhetoric came too late in their
joust. “Isn’t the truth that behind it all is a prime minister who only cares
about one person’s job, his own?” Badenoch concluded.
Helpful backbench intervention of the week: Blyth and Ashington MP Ian Lavery
decried the Tories’ record on poverty in the north east of England, asking the
PM if his constituents had much to look forward to from Labour. Starmer listed
the government’s many policies to alleviate poverty, with a few jabs at the
Conservatives for good measure.
Totally unscientific scores on the doors: Starmer 6/10. Badenoch 8/10. The Tory
leader had reams of ammo to work with following briefing wars and Office for
Budget Responsibility watchdog Richard Hughes’ resignation as chair over leaked
fiscal documents. Badenoch continued the tirade that was at the front and center
of her immediate response to the budget last week, and effectively laid out the
political choices Starmer made. The PM gave decent stats and some emotional
language, but wasn’t able to seize the narrative.
BERLIN — Germany will launch a new federal counter-drone unit as concerns mount
over a surge of suspicious drones overflying military sites and critical
infrastructure, Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt said Tuesday.
The formation will be part of the federal police’s national special operations
arm, and will be trained and certified specifically for drone detection and
neutralization, Dobrindt said at an event outside Berlin.
The unit will eventually grow to 130 officers, deployed across Germany and moved
quickly to hot spots when needed.
Germany has over €100 million budgeted this year and next for counter-drone
technology, the minister said. The systems include sensors and jammers designed
to disrupt hostile drone signals, with the capability to intercept or shoot them
down if necessary.
“It is an important signal that we are confronting hybrid threats,” Dobrindt
said. “We are creating a clear mission to detect, intercept and, yes, also shoot
down drones when necessary. We cannot accept that hybrid threats, including
drones, become a danger to our security.”
Dobrindt said Germany will procure systems from both German and Israeli
manufacturers, with further purchases expected in the coming months.
This week, Germany’s state interior ministers are also due to decide whether to
establish a joint federal-state counter-drone center, bringing together federal
and state police forces and the military to coordinate detection and response.
Berlin’s new unit marks its most significant move so far toward a standing
national counter-drone capability. German security agencies have tracked
hundreds of suspicious drone flyovers this year, including near barracks, naval
facilities and critical infrastructure.
Officials warn that small, commercially available drones are increasingly
deployed in Europe for espionage, probing defenses and hybrid operations. Some
European governments have pointed the finger of blame at Russia, but so far
proof is lacking.
Airports across Europe have also been forced to close thanks to overflying
drones. Last month, the U.K., France and Germany sent staff and equipment to
help Belgium counter drone incursions around sensitive facilities.
Many countries are trying to figure out how to deal with the drones in a safe
and legal way, as shooting them down could endanger people on the ground.
A Belgian soldier participating in a NATO mission in Lithuania died during an
exercise on Friday, Belgian officials said late Saturday.
Belgium’s federal public prosecutor has launched an investigation into the
incident.
The soldier sustained an injury during a mortar exercise and died in hospital on
Saturday, Belgian Defense Minister Theo Francken and Chief of Defense Frederik
Vansina confirmed in a joint statement.
Francken said in a post on X that he is “deeply saddened by the tragic
accident,” sending “thoughts and solidarity” to the soldier’s friends and
colleagues.
Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda also offered his condolences in a post,
saying Belgian troops serving with NATO in Lithuania “make an invaluable
contribution to the security of our nation and the entire Alliance,” adding:
“Their dedication and sacrifice will never be forgotten.”
The Belgian national, who was not identified, was part of the Artillery
Battalion in Brasschaat. Nearly 200 Belgian soldiers have been deployed to
Lithuania since the summer, as part of NATO’s Forward Land Forces mission, a
series of multinational battle groups stationed in eight Eastern European
countries.
The Belgian federal public prosecutor’s office said it has opened an
investigation into the soldier’s death without providing more information on the
case, Belga newswire reported. A federal magistrate and two detectives from the
federal police, specializing in military affairs investigations, visited the
scene on Saturday, VRT reported.
Belgium’s defense ministry also has launched an internal investigation to
determine the exact circumstances of the accident, according to media reports.