C’è un’industria che in Italia è cresciuta del 47%, ma c’è poco da essere orgogliosi. E’ la fabbrica che produce giornalisti minacciati, intimiditi, aggrediti fisicamente o attraverso atti giudiziari strumentali e infondati, con lo scopo di spezzare le loro penne e isolarli dal loro contesto professionale e sociale. Nell’ultimo anno sono 759 i cronisti colpiti da persone, politici o istituzioni che hanno provato a impedire o condizionare il loro lavoro. Nel 2024 erano “solo” 516. Ed anche nell’ultimo anno abbiamo ribadito un primato: quello del paese europeo con più giornalisti minacciati, con più giornalisti sotto scorta e protetti dalle forze dell’ordine con altre forme di tutela. Sono i dati sfornati dal Rapporto 2025 sulla libertà di stampa in Italia, realizzato dall’Osservatorio Ossigeno per l’informazione. Ci hanno lavorato il presidente dell’associazione, Alberto Spampinato, e le colleghe Laura Turriziani e Grazia Pia Attolini. Hanno messo in rete e collazionato segnalazioni provenienti dal tutto il paese, per sintetizzarli in un dossier presentato oggi alla Casa del Jazz, bene confiscato alla mafia romana e sede dell’associazione, nel corso del convegno “Ottomila giornalisti minacciati naufraghi dell’informazione: come aiutarli?”, promosso da Ossigeno in collaborazione con l’Ordine dei giornalisti del Lazio. Riguardano casi di tutti i tipi: dai direttori di importanti e potenti testate nazionali, passando per i redattori in prima linea di trasmissioni tv, fino a sconosciuti cronisti di territori periferici. I DATI La percentuale delle minacce e intimidazioni che fanno uso della violenza è rimasta molto alta (77%) con punte che in alcune regioni hanno superato il 90%. Le aggressioni sono aumentate del 7%, i danneggiamenti sono cresciuti del 19%, mentre gli avvertimenti sono diminuiti del 17%. Significa che gli episodi in cui si è fatto esplicito uso della violenza sono aumentati del 26% rispetto a quelli in cui la violenza è stata solo minacciata. Non è un lieve cambiamento, senza contare che nel 2024 questi episodi erano già aumentati del +23% . Il 2025 è stato caratterizzato anche da una forte crescita (da 60 a 81, pari a +38%) degli episodi di intimidazione collettiva (cioè contro gruppi di giornalisti o di intere redazioni). Le azioni legali a scopo intimidatorio configurabili come SLAPPs (querele pretestuose, cause civili per risarcimento da diffamazione, diffide, eccetera) documentate pubblicamente e in dettaglio sono state 57 (+67%) e hanno colpito 117 giornalisti (+105%). Nel 2024 erano stati rilevati 34 episodi a danno di 57 giornalisti. Il 2025 è stato caratterizzato anche da una forte crescita (da 60 a 81, pari a +38%) degli episodi di intimidazione collettiva (cioè contro gruppi di giornalisti o di intere redazioni). Sono comparsi anche episodi inediti di sorveglianza elettronica e di spionaggio illecito di giornalisti investigativi, con l’impiego di software molto invasivi. Le intimidazioni e le minacce hanno continuato a colpire tutto il Paese, ma Piemonte, Lombardia e Lazio sono risultati i territori con più giornalisti minacciati. In queste tre regioni Ossigeno ha rilevato la metà di tutte le minacce e ha documentato gli episodi più gravi e rilevanti nel 2025. Il Piemonte è passato da zero giornalisti minacciati nel 2023 a 148 nel 2025; la Lombardia da 13 di due anni fa a 122 dello scorso anno. Il Lazio, che ha conosciuto un live calo nel 2024, nonostante nel 2025 sia scesa al terzo posto per numero di vittime, resta la regione dove dal 2012 si concentra la percentuale più alta di operatori/trici dell’informazione. UN ANNO NERO “Fin dai primi mesi del 2025 ci sono stati attacchi gravissimi contro i giornalisti, ma non è stata adottata nessuna contromisura”, commenta Alberto Spampinato presidente di Ossigeno. Nonostante l’anno nero, però, “uno spiraglio di luce è apparso quando l’Ordine nazionale dei Giornalisti, con una iniziativa politica che non ha precedenti, ha lanciato l’allarme rosso sull’escalation di minacce e intimidazioni ai giornalisti che era in atto”. L'articolo Aumentano del 47% i giornalisti minacciati. Il dossier di ‘Ossigeno per l’Informazione’: “Il 2025 anno nero con uno spiraglio di luce” proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

Milioni di grazie, tra questi in prima linea il Fatto, a quanti hanno davvero speso ogni energia per la vittoria del No e per la tutela della Costituzione antifascista. Sarebbe, tuttavia, ingeneroso dimenticare il ruolo della presidente Meloni, del sottosegretario Mantovano, del ministro Nordio, della signora Bartolozzi, del sottosegretario Delmastro… solo per citarne solo alcuni. La presidente del Consiglio ha deciso, come Renzi a suo tempo, di scendere in campo e di chiedere un voto sul governo. Ora dovrebbe seguire le orme di Renzi che, dopo la sconfitta, decise di salutare. Il ministro Nordio, con la fedelissima Bartolozzi, hanno evocato complotti, plotoni di esecuzioni, magistrati paramafiosi. Che Dio ce li conservi per le prossime elezioni politiche. Mantovano ci aveva spiegato che i cattolici avrebbero votato tutti Sì, non lo ha ascoltato neppure il cardinal Zuppi. Il presidente del Senato La Russa ci aveva spiegato che ci sarebbe stato un problema politico solo in caso di superamento della soglia del 50%, attendiamo sue nuove. Tra gli sconfitti anche il Polo Rai-Set e alcuni dei più accreditati opinionisti che avevano rigorosamente previsto la vittoria del Sì. Chiederanno scusa? Cosa dirà Marina Berlusconi che, dopo aver esortato ad abbassare i toni, ha finto di non vedere le fucilate sparate dalle reti di famiglia? Cosa diranno da Telemeloni dopo aver scientemente delegittimato il servizio pubblico? Dopo Garlasco e le case nel bosco ci parleranno anche di Delmastro? Che dire della Autorità di garanzia delle comunicazioni che non è riuscita neppure ad imporre le misure di riequilibrio che aveva deciso? Il referendum è stato vinto, nonostante i tentativi di broglio politico e mediatico. Le opposizioni, politiche e sociali, non si illudano, questi brogli saranno sempre più forti. Questo è il momento per alzare la voce, a cominciare da una iniziativa davanti alla sede della vigilanza, per porre fine all’ostruzionismo di maggioranza che ha scelto di imbavagliare la commissione di indirizzo, per impedire alla presidente – espressa dalle opposizioni – di svolgere il proprio ruolo. Se non bastasse, sarà il caso di occupare l’aula, l’impegno per il ripristino della legalità e della Costituzione deve ripartire dal No agli abusi, ai bavagli, alle prepotenze. L'articolo Il referendum è stato vinto, nonostante i tentativi di broglio politico e mediatico proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

ROME — Italian right-wing Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s crushing defeat in Monday’s referendum on judicial reform has shattered her aura of political invincibility, and her opponents now reckon she can be toppled in a general election expected next year. The failed referendum is the the first major misstep of her premiership, and comes just as she seemed in complete control in Rome and Brussels, leading Italy’s most stable administration in years. Her loss is immediately energizing Italy’s fragmented opposition, making the country’s torpid politics suddenly look competitive again. Meloni’s bid to overhaul the judiciary — which she accused of being politicized and of left-wing bias — was roundly rejected, with 54 percent voting “no” to her reforms. An unexpectedly high turnout of 59 percent is also likely to alarm Meloni, underscoring how the vote snowballed into a broader vote of confidence in her and her government. She lost heavily in Italy’s three biggest cities: In the provinces of Rome, the “no” vote was 57 percent, Milan 54 percent and Naples 71 percent. In Naples, about 50 prosecutors and judges gathered to open champagne and sing Bella Ciao, the World War II anti-fascist partisan anthem. Activists, students and trade unionists spontaneously marched to Rome’s Piazza del Popolo chanting “resign, resign.”  In a video posted on social media, Meloni put a brave face on the result. “The Italians have decided and we will respect that decision,” she said. She admitted feeling some “bitterness for the lost opportunity … but we will go on as we always have with responsibility, determination and respect for Italy and its people.” In truth, however, the referendum will be widely viewed as a sign that she is politically vulnerable, after all. It knocks her off course just as she was setting her sights on major electoral reforms that would further cement her grip on power. One of her main goals has been to shift to a fixed-term prime ministership, which would be elected by direct suffrage rather than being hostage to rotating governments. Those ambitions look far more fragile now. The opposition groups that have struggled to dent Meloni’s dominance immediately scented blood. After months on the defensive, they pointed to Monday’s result as proof that the prime minister can be beaten and that a coordinated campaign can mobilize voters against her. Matteo Renzi, former prime minister and leader of the centrist Italia Viva party, predicted Meloni would now be a “lame duck,” telling reporters that “even her own followers will now start to doubt her.” When he lost a referendum in 2016 he resigned as prime minister. “Let’s see what Meloni will do after this clamorous defeat,” he said.  Elly Schlein, leader of the opposition Democratic Party, said: “We will beat [Meloni] in the next general election, I’m sure of that. I think that from today’s vote, from this extraordinary democratic participation, an unexpected participation in some ways, a clear political message is being sent to Meloni and this government, who must now listen to the country and its real priorities.”  Former Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, leader of the populist 5Star Movement heralded “a new spring and a new political season.” Angelo Bonelli , leader of the Greens and Left Alliance, told reporters the result was “an important signal for us because it shows that there is a majority in the country opposed to the government.” ‘PARALLEL MAFIA’ The referendum itself centered on changes to how judges and prosecutors are governed and disciplined, including separating their career paths and reshaping their oversight bodies. The government framed the reforms as a long-overdue opportunity to fix a system where politicized legal “factions” impede the government’s ability to implement core policies on issues such as migration and security. Justice Minister Carlo Nordio called prosecutors a “parallel mafia,” while his chief of staff compared parts of the judiciary to “an execution squad.”   A voter is given a ballot at a polling station in Rome, Italy, on March 22, 2026. | Riccardo De Luca/Anadolu via Getty Images Meloni’s opponents viewed the defeated reforms differently, casting them as an attempt to weaken a fiercely independent judiciary and concentrate power. That framing helped turn a technical vote into a broader political contest, one that opposition parties were able to rally around. It was a clash with a long and bitter political history. The Mani Pulite (Clean Hands) investigations of the 1990s, which wiped out an entire political class, left a legacy of mistrust between politicians and the judiciary. The right, in particular, accused judges of running a left-wing vendetta against them. Under Meloni’s rule that tension has repeatedly resurfaced, with her government clashing with courts, saying judges are thwarting initiatives to fight migration and criminality. Meloni herself stepped late into the campaign, after initially keeping some distance, betting that her personal involvement could shift the outcome. She called the referendum an “historic opportunity to change Italy.” In combative form this month, she had called on Italians not squander their opportunity to shake up the judges. If they let things continue as they are now, she warned: “We will find ourselves with even more powerful factions, even more negligent judges, even more surreal sentences, immigrants, rapists, pedophiles, drug dealers being freed and putting your security at risk.” It was to no avail, and Meloni was hardly helped by the timing of the vote. Her ally U.S. President Donald Trump is highly unpopular in Italy and the war in Iran has triggered intense fears among Italians that they will have to pay more for power and fuel. The main upshot is that Italy’s political clock is ticking again. REGAINING THE INITIATIVE For Meloni, the temptation will be to regain the initiative quickly. That could even mean trying to press for early elections before economic pressures mount and key EU recovery funds wind down later this year. The logic of holding elections before economic conditions deteriorate further would be to prevent a slow bleeding away of support, said Roberto D’Alimonte, professor of political science at the Luiss University in Rome. But Italy’s President Sergio Mattarella has the ultimate say about when to dissolve parliament and parliamentarians, whose pensions depend on the legislature lasting until February, could help him prevent elections by forming alternative majorities. D’Alimonte said Meloni’s “standing is now damaged.” “There is no doubt she comes out of this much weaker. The defeat changes the perception of her. She has lost her clout with voters and to some extent in Europe. Until now she was a winner and now she has shown she can lose,” he added. She must now weigh whether to identify scapegoats who can take the fall — potentially Justice Minister Nordio, a technocrat with no political support base of his own.  Meloni is expected to move quickly to regain control of the agenda. She is due to travel to Algeria on Wednesday to advance energy cooperation, a trip that may also serve to pivot the political conversation back to economic and foreign policy aims. But the immediate impact of the vote is clear: A prime minister who entered the referendum from a position of strength but now faces a more uncertain political landscape, against an opposition newly convinced she can be beaten.

Il Comitato di Redazione di Citynews e il sindacato Figec-Cisal hanno proclamato uno sciopero di 48 ore dei giornalisti del gruppo, a partire dalle 9 del 23 marzo fino alle 9 di mercoledì 25 marzo. La decisione arriva dopo settimane di tensioni scaturite dall’interruzione senza preavviso di 21 rapporti di lavoro, che aveva portato anche allo stato di agitazione iniziato il 13 marzo scorso. Nella nota del Cdr si legge che “sono 57 le edizioni locali e i comparti nazionali come Today.it coinvolte nello sciopero”. Tutto è nato dopo il licenziamento di 5 dipendenti oltre alla rimodulazione di 21 rapporti di lavoro, sei a tempo indeterminato e 15 collaborazioni anche di lungo corso”. L’assemblea dei giornalisti aveva richiesto il ritiro dei tagli, ritenuti illegittimi, e l’apertura di un tavolo di concertazione. Si tratta del primo sciopero che interessa i giornalisti del Gruppo Citynews, fra i più grandi editori nativi digitali d’Italia. Il Comitato di redazione e il sindacato Figec hanno incontrato l’azienda lo scorso 18 marzo, ma nessuna richiesta del sindacato, sostenuta con un voto favorevole dell’assemblea dei dipendenti dell’80%, è stata accolta. La direzione ha deciso di chiudere a ogni trattativa, da qui la decisione di scioperare. La richiesta del Cdr di Citynews è chiara: “riconsiderare i licenziamenti, dando un segnale tangibile dell’apertura promessa, bloccando gli stessi e attivando il tavolo di concertazione volto a salvaguardare i posti di lavoro“. Non si è fatta attendere la risposta dell’azienda che ha specificato in una nota come Citynews si ritrovi “in una situazione economica che ha reso necessari alcuni interventi strutturali. Negli ultimi anni i ricavi pubblicitari sono cresciuti in misura molto inferiore rispetto ai costi, con il personale giornalistico che ha visto raddoppiare il suo costo in quattro anni”. “Precisiamo – ha continuato l’azienda – che circa la metà dei collaboratori citati nelle comunicazioni sindacali ha accettato una rimodulazione del rapporto ed è tuttora attiva. Nei restanti casi le proposte aziendali non sono state accettate”. La direzione ha concluso: “Questo sciopero arriva dopo quindici anni in cui l’azienda ha dimostrato concretamente di stare dalla parte dei suoi lavoratori. Citynews conta 600 persone. La sostenibilità economica dell’azienda è l’unica garanzia concreta per i posti di lavoro di tutti”. L'articolo Citynews, sciopero di 48 ore dopo i licenziamenti. Il Cdr: “dopo lo stato di agitazione, il Cdr e i sindacati proclamano lo sciopero per 48 ore proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

La famiglia Agnelli-Elkann lascia dopo cento cento anni l’editoria italiana. Dopo mesi di trattative, la holding Exor ha raggiunto un accordo con il gruppo greco Antenna per la cessione di Gedi Gruppo Editoriale, aprendo una nuova fase per uno dei principali poli editoriali italiani. L’operazione coinvolge testate e brand di primo piano: La Repubblica, le radio Radio Deejay, Radio Capital e m2o, HuffPost Italia, Limes e National Geographic Italia. Antenna Group parla di un “investimento strategico” che punta a rafforzare la presenza in Italia e a sviluppare nuove sinergie tra editoria, radio, contenuti digitali e audiovisivi, con l’obiettivo di costruire un hub mediatico nel Mediterraneo. A guidare il gruppo per conto degli editori ellenici sarà Mirja Cartia d’Asero, ex Il Sole 24 Ore. L’annuncio è arrivato dopo la festa per i cinquant’anni e nel giorno dei risultati del referendum costituzionale. Una tempistica fortemente criticata dal Comitato di redazione: “Scegliere un giorno del genere è la finale mancanza di rispetto verso il giornale e la sua storia dell’ormai ex editore di Repubblica. Non sentiremo la sua mancanza”. E attaccano: “Dopo aver smembrato e venduto pezzo a pezzo uno storico gruppo editoriale, l’addio di John Elkann a Gedi avviene quindi nel peggiore dei modi, senza tenere in alcun conto nel contratto di compravendita le richieste di garanzie occupazionali per tutte le lavoratrici e i lavoratori, di perimetro e di rispetto dell’indipendenza e della collocazione del giornale per cui la redazione di Repubblica continuerà a battersi ricorrendo a qualsiasi strumento di lotta. Una richiesta di garanzie – continua la rappresentanza sindacale – che adesso riproporremo per intero al nuovo editore augurandoci che le belle intenzioni di sviluppo del gruppo Gedi ribadite nella prima nota stampa trovino realizzazione nel pieno rispetto dei livelli occupazionali, delle realtà delle redazioni locali, della storia di questo giornale. La nostra battaglia non è finita, ma continua”. Critica anche la Federazione nazionale della Stampa italiana in vista dell’ingresso del greco Kyriakou: “In nove anni si è compiuta la parabola del gruppo Gedi. Doveva essere il più grande gruppo editoriale europeo, invece Elkann lo ha trasformato nella più grande cessione di testate che si sia mai vista in Italia. Con il passaggio dell’azionariato al greco Kyriakou e la cessione de La Stampa a Sae il gruppo non esiste più. Restano le macerie e molti interrogativi sul perché dell’operazione cominciata nell’aprile 2017″. Elkann è riuscito anche a rilasciare un’intervista dai toni critici verso l’Italia all’Ansa, come se a spingerlo a mollare sia stato il contesto: “L’editoria è una professione che può essere esercitata in modo indipendente solo se si hanno i conti in regola. La mia famiglia e io stesso abbiamo sempre considerato l’editoria come un mestiere che vive grazie ai suoi lettori, ma purtroppo in Italia avere un giornale è considerato uno strumento di influenza e di potere, non una professione”, ha detto sostenendo che le cessioni ad Antenna e Sae di Repubblica e La Stampa ”garantiranno un futuro di sviluppo e libertà ai giornalisti delle due testate”. La società greca assicura che investirà “nuove e significative risorse per ampliare la diffusione de la Repubblica” e che sarà garantita la sua indipendenza. L’obiettivo è anche quello “di sviluppare ulteriormente il business radiofonico di Gedi, creando un importante hub radiofonico nel Mediterraneo”, e investire nella produzione di documentari informativi, nello streaming, nei podcast, nella produzione musicale ed editoriale, nell’education e nel cinema. Antenna si impegna “a investire nel giornalismo italiano e a rafforzare il ruolo dell’Italia come protagonista nel panorama dell’informazione e dell’intrattenimento”. L'articolo Elkann vende Repubblica e il Gruppo Gedi ad Antenna: “In Italia l’editoria non è considerata una professione” proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

What makes a tree important? Is it the ability to withstand storms, wars and human greed through the centuries? The people that rest in its shade, the lovers who carve their names, the playing children creating eternal memories? Or is it just what country it grows in? The organizers of the European Tree of the Year contest, a relatively niche event on the Brussels social calendar, have been grappling with these questions for years. The competition, which started in 2002 as a national event in Czechia before expanding to Europe in 2011, has over the years crowned an Estonian oak that stood in the middle of a football pitch; a lone pine that survived a flood in a Czech village; and a 500-year-old Romanian lime tree that is part of local folk legend. The contest’s last four winners, however, all grew in Poland. “From the beginning, the competition was not about the beauty of the trees, but about the stories and the communities. [But] the last four years, it became difficult because it turned into a competition between nations,” said Petr Skřivánek, who runs the event on behalf of the Environmental Partnership Association, a Czech NGO. Poland’s recent success is largely due to Make Life Harder, the country’s most popular Instagram meme account, which has been promoting the contest to its 1.7 million followers since 2021. The enthusiastic response has been both a blessing and a curse. “It’s really good because it can really attract visitors. But any time the website is down, I know it’s because they posted a link to it,” Skřivánek said. His routine as the overwhelmed website administrator is itself the subject of memes from the account. “You don’t only vote for the tree that you like, but you have to vote for another tree — so you don’t just express support on a national level,” said Michal Wiezik, a Renew MEP who has been an ambassador for the contest since 2019. “But the Polish were able to crack the system.” Things took a nastier turn last year, when a whiff of online hooliganism arrived to disturb the sylvan community. MEP Michal Wiezik attends a European Parliament meeting in Brussels on Jan. 27, 2025. | Martin Bertrand/Hans Lucas/AFP via Getty Images La Revuelta, a comedy talk show on Spain’s La 1 public broadcaster, launched a campaign to support their nation’s champion, the Pine of Juan Molinera. The program identified a Polish tree — Heart of the Dalkowskie Hills —  as its main competition. During the segment, as comedian Lalachus sang a cover of Eros Ramazzotti’s La cosa más bella (“The most beautiful thing”) in praise of the Spanish contestant, another comic held up signs saying “The Polish tree smells like armpits” and “The tree from Poland, what a load of shit.” Make Life Harder shared the clips on Instagram, unleashing a bitter feud on social media. (Neither Make Life Harder, RTVE nor Lalachus replied to requests for comment from POLITICO.) The tension ultimately spread to the European Parliament, which hosted the awards ceremony. “The atmosphere was not good in the venue. And on the stream, it was not nice either,” Skřivánek said. Spain finished third; Poland won. “I hope this was the first year and the last year when this competition became a space for spreading hate and being aggressive to others,” said Anna Gomułka in accepting the award for Heart of the Dalkowskie Hills. “We felt we had to defend our honor. At some point, voting became an expression of patriotism,” Gomułka wrote in an email to POLITICO. To avoid such tensions in future and to make the online vote more suspenseful, the organizers are now using a system of “tree points” in which trees from smaller countries get more points for each vote than trees from larger countries. As a result of the changes, the 2026 competition “was really less nationalist compared to previous years,” Skřivánek said. This year’s winner will be named Tuesday during a ceremony in Brussels.

Many describe our geopolitical moment as one of instability, but that word feels too weak for what we are living through. Some, like Mark Carney, argue that we are facing a rupture: a break with assumptions that anchored the global economic and political order for decades. Others, like Christine Lagarde, see a profound transition, a shift toward a new configuration of power, technology and societal expectations. Whichever perception we adopt, the implication is clear: leaders can no longer rely on yesterday’s mental models, institutional routines or governance templates. Johanna Mair is the Director of the Florence School of Transnational Governance at the European University Institute in Florence, where she leads education, training and research on governance beyond the nation state. Security, for example, is no longer a discrete policy field. It now reaches deeply into energy systems, artificial intelligence, cyber governance, financial stability and democratic resilience, all under conditions of strategic competition and mistrust. At the same time, competitiveness cannot be reduced to productivity metrics or short-term growth rates. It is about a society’s capacity to innovate, regulate effectively and mobilize investment toward long-term objectives — from the green and digital transitions to social cohesion. This dense web of interdependence is where transnational governance is practiced every day. The European Union illustrates this reality vividly. No single member state can build the capacity to manage these transformations on its own. EU institutions and other regional bodies shape regulatory frameworks and collective responses; corporations influence infrastructure and supply chains; financial institutions direct capital flows; and civic actors respond to social fragmentation and governance gaps. Effective leadership has become a systemic endeavour: it requires coordination across these levels, while sustaining public legitimacy and defending liberal democratic principles. > Our mission is to teach and train current and future leaders, equipping them > with the knowledge, skills and networks to tackle global challenges in ways > that are both innovative and grounded in democratic values. The Florence School of Transnational Governance (STG) at the European University Institute was created precisely to respond to this need. Located in Florence and embedded in a European institution founded by EU member states, the STG is a hub where policymakers, business leaders, civil society, media and academia meet to work on governance beyond national borders. Our mission is to teach and train current and future leaders, equipping them with the knowledge, skills and networks to tackle global challenges in ways that are both innovative and grounded in democratic values. What makes this mission distinctive is not only the topics we address, but also how and with whom we address them. We see leadership development as a practice embedded in real institutions, not a purely classroom-based exercise. People do not come to Florence to observe transnational governance from a distance; they come to practice it, test hypotheses and co-create solutions with peers who work on the frontlines of policy and politics. This philosophy underpins our portfolio of programs, from degree offerings to executive education. With early career professionals, we focus on helping them understand and shape governance beyond the state, whether in international organizations, national administrations, the private sector or civil society. We encourage them to see institutions not as static structures, but as arrangements that can and must be strengthened and reformed to support a liberal, rules-based order under stress. At the same time, we devote significant attention to practitioners already in positions of responsibility. Our Global Executive Master (GEM) is designed for experienced professionals who cannot pause their careers, but recognize that the governance landscape in which they operate has changed fundamentally. Developed by the STG, the GEM convenes participants from EU institutions, national administrations, international organizations, business and civil society — professionals from a wide range of nationalities and institutional backgrounds, reflecting the coalitions required to address complex problems. The program is structured to fit the reality of leadership today. Delivered part time over two years, it combines online learning with residential periods in Florence and executive study visits in key policy centres. This blended format allows participants to remain in full-time roles while advancing their qualifications and networks, and it ensures that learning is continuously tested against institutional realities rather than remaining an abstract exercise. Participants specialize in tracks such as geopolitics and security, tech and governance, economy and finance, or energy and climate. Alongside this subject depth, they build capabilities more commonly associated with top executive programs than traditional public policy degrees: change management, negotiations, strategic communication, foresight and leadership under uncertainty. These skills are essential for bridging policy design and implementation — a gap that is increasingly visible as governments struggle to deliver on ambitious agendas. Executive study visits are a core element of this practice-oriented approach. In a recent Brussels visit, GEM participants engaged with high-level speakers from the European Commission, the European External Action Service, the Council, the European Parliament, NATO, Business Europe, Fleishman Hillard and POLITICO itself. Over several days, they discussed foreign and security policy, industrial strategy, strategic foresight and the governance of emerging technologies. These encounters do more than illustrate theory; they give participants a chance to stress-test their assumptions, understand the constraints facing decision-makers and build relationships across institutional boundaries. via EUI Throughout the program, each participant develops a capstone project that addresses a strategic challenge connected to a policy organization, often their own employer. This ensures that executive education translates into institutional impact: projects range from new regulatory approaches and partnership models to internal reforms aimed at making organizations more agile and resilient. At the same time, they help weave a durable transnational network of practitioners who can work together beyond the programme. Across our activities at the STG, a common thread runs through our work: a commitment to defending and renewing the liberal order through concrete practice. Addressing the rupture or transition we are living through requires more than technical fixes. It demands leaders who can think systemically, act across borders and design governance solutions that are both unconventional and democratically legitimate. > Across our activities at the STG, a common thread runs through our work: a > commitment to defending and renewing the liberal order through concrete > practice. In a period defined by systemic risk and strategic competition, leadership development cannot remain sectoral or reactive. It must be interdisciplinary, practice-oriented and anchored in real policy environments. At the Florence School of Transnational Governance, we aim to create precisely this kind of learning community — one where students, fellows and executives work side by side to reimagine how institutions can respond to global challenges. For policymakers and professionals who recognize themselves in this moment of rupture, our programs — including the GEM — offer a space to step back, learn with peers and return to their institutions better equipped to lead change. The task is urgent, but it is also an opportunity: by investing in transnational governance education today, we can help lay the foundations for a more resilient and inclusive order tomorrow.

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk on Sunday said a media report alleging Hungary’s foreign minister regularly called his Russian counterpart to brief him during EU summits “shouldn’t come as a surprise to anyone.” “We’ve had our suspicions about that for a long time,” Tusk posted on social media network X. “That’s one reason why I take the floor only when strictly necessary and say just as much as necessary.” The Washington Post in a story published Saturday quoted an anonymous European security official as saying that Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó made regular phone calls during breaks at EU summits to provide his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, with “live reports on what’s been discussed” and possible solutions. POLITICO has not independently verified the story. Szijjártó denied the claims in a post on X on Sunday, calling it “fake news.” Szijjártó was responding to a X post by Poland’s Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Radosław Sikorski that referenced the Washington Post claim. “This would explain a lot, Peter. @FM_Szijjarto,” Sikorski wrote. “Fake news as always,” Szijjártó responded to Sikorski. “You are telling lies in order to support Tisza Party to have a pro-war puppet government in Hungary. You will not have it!” The Post’s story also said that Russia’s foreign intelligence service (SVR) had proposed staging an assassination attempt against Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán to boost plummeting public support ahead of next month’s parliamentary election in that country. It cited an “an internal report for the SVR obtained and authenticated by a European intelligence service and reviewed by The Washington Post.” Orbán goes head to head in the polls next month with conservative opposition leader Péter Magyar, for the Tisza Party, who has emerged as a serious challenger. Szijjártó extended his defense against the allegations in a post on Facebook. Hungarians can “see clearly that this fake news, these lies that are part of Ukrainian propaganda, are not created for anything else, except to support the Tisza Party in the Hungarian election and to influence the outcome of the elections,” Szijjártó said on Facebook. Magyar weighed into the controversy on the campaign trail. “The fact that the Hungarian foreign minister, a good friend of Sergei Lavrov, reports to the Russians almost every minute about every EU meeting is pure treason,” Magyar said in the Hungarian village of Nyúl, as reported by Hungarian outlet Telex. “This man has betrayed not only his country, but Europe.”

La Rai ha denunciato un episodio di violenza nei confronti di una troupe in servizio per la Tgr Lazio nel quartiere Quadraro di Roma. “Esprimiamo la più ferma condanna per la grave aggressione”, hanno scritto in una nota, “dove un operatore e un assistente stavano riprendendo stabili occupati dagli anarchici dopo la morte di due attivisti che stavano fabbricando una bomba. L’aggressione ha causato il danneggiamento delle attrezzature e il ferimento di un operatore, a cui sono state prestate le cure in ospedale. A lui va la nostra piena solidarietà e l’augurio di una pronta guarigione”. Si tratta, prosegue ancora il messaggio dell’azienda, “di un fatto inaccettabile che colpisce non solo i professionisti coinvolti, ma anche il diritto dei cittadini a essere informati. Ogni forma di violenza nei confronti di giornalisti e operatori dell’informazione rappresenta un attacco alla libertà di stampa e ai principi democratici”. Sull’episodio sono intervenuti anche l’esecutivo Usigrai, il coordinamento Cdr Tgr e il Cdr Tgr Lazio. “Si tratta dell’ennesima aggressione a operatori dell’informazione, non è tollerabile che esistano zone dove i media non possono svolgere il loro lavoro, peraltro sulla pubblica piazza. Auspichiamo – sottolineano – che l’autorità giudiziaria disponga rapidamente indagini su questa vile aggressione”. A loro si è associato anche il sindacato Unirai: “Ferma e indignata condanna. Aggredire una troupe significa tentare di spegnere la libertà di informazione. È un atto grave che deve trovare una risposta ferma”. L'articolo Rai: “Una troupe della Tgr Lazio aggredita dagli anarchici durante un servizio” proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.

Iranian missiles late Saturday hit two southern Israeli towns close to a nuclear facility in what Tehran said was retaliation for Israeli strikes on Iran’s nuclear site at Natanz. More than 160 people were injured in the strikes, which hit the towns of Dimona and Arad near Israel’s Negev Nuclear Research Center, according to the Israeli health ministry. The attack came as U.S. President Donald Trump warned that the United States will “obliterate” energy plants in Iran if the government in Tehran doesn’t fully open the Strait of Hormuz, giving the country a 48-hour deadline to comply. Tehran warned in reply that any strike on its energy facilities would prompt retaliatory attacks on U.S. and Israeli energy and infrastructure facilities. Iranian state TV said Saturday’s strikes by Tehran were a response to an attack on Iran’s Natanz nuclear facility earlier in the day, according to the BBC. Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, speaker of Iran’s parliament, said the fact that ballistic missiles evaded Israeli defenses and struck near the nuclear research site appears to signal “a new phase” in the war. “If Israel is unable to intercept missiles in the heavily protected Dimona area, it is, operationally, a sign of entering a new phase of the conflict,” he posted on social media network X. “Israel’s skies are defenseless.” He added that the “time has come to implement the next pre-planned schemes,” without providing further details. Israeli military spokesman Effie Defrin said the strikes did not represent a new threat. “The air defense systems operated but did not intercept the missile. We will investigate the incident and learn from it,” he wrote on X. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said it had been a “very difficult evening,” and vowed to “continue to strike our enemies on all fronts.” The International Atomic Energy Agency said it was aware of the strikes near the nuclear research center and has not received any indication of damage to the facility, nor any information from regional states indicating that abnormal radiation levels have been detected.