Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and U.S. envoys arrived in Berlin on
Sunday for another round of peace talks, with Kyiv emphasizing that strong
security guarantees are an essential component of any prospective deal to end
the war.
Zelenskyy said there will be “meetings in Berlin today and tomorrow” to discuss
the proposals on the table to find an end to the conflict in Ukraine.
Zelenskyy said he will meet personally with U.S. President Donald Trump’s
special envoy Steve Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner in Berlin.
Ukrainian, U.S. and European officials will hold a series of meetings in Berlin,
Zelenskyy said. But the exact timing and scope of the talks haven’t been
disclosed. Delegations will be meeting on Sunday, according to media reports,
followed by a summit on Monday that will include U.K. Prime Minister Keir
Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz.
“The summit in Berlin is important: we are meeting with both the Americans and
the Europeans,” Zelenskyy told journalists in a WhatsApp group chat on Sunday,
according to a transcript of his remarks. “It is important for us. And believe
me, we have done a lot to ensure that these parties all meet together.”
Zelenskyy emphasized the need for Ukraine to receive firm guarantees from the
United States and European allies that would be similar to those offered to NATO
members, according to the transcript of the group chat.
“These security guarantees are an opportunity to prevent another wave of Russian
aggression,” the Ukrainian leader said. “And this is already a compromise on our
part.”
Zelenskyy emphasized that the security guarantees would need to be legally
binding and supported by the U.S. Congress. He said he expected an update from
his team following a meeting between Ukrainian and U.S. military officials in
Stuttgart.
“Most importantly, I will be meeting with envoys of President Trump, and there
will also be meetings with our European partners, with many leaders, concerning
the foundation of peace — a political agreement to end the war,” Zelenskyy said
in an address late Saturday.
Merz this week said Germany is inviting Washington to join a meeting in Berlin
to discuss Ukraine. But whether Washington joins will “very much depend” on
progress in negotiations “over the weekend” on the underlying documents, he
added.
The chancellor’s spokesperson, Stefan Kornelius, said separately that “numerous
European heads of state and government, as well as the leaders of the EU and
NATO, will join the talks,” which will follow the meeting of the German, French
and U.K. leaders in Berlin.
The talks in Berlin are to discuss the latest version of a 20-point peace plan
brokered by the U.S. just days after Ukraine sent its revised version to
Washington. The plan proposes a demilitarized “free economic zone” in the Donbas
region where American business interests could operate.
A major sticking point in the negotiations is the fate of territory in eastern
Ukraine, which Kyiv refuses to cede after Moscow’s occupation. European leaders
are racing to assert their relevance in the process amid concerns that
Washington’s proposals lean toward Russia and put demands on Ukraine that
Zelenskyy will not be able to accept.
Tag - European Defense
Ukraine is willing to drop demands for NATO accession should the U.S. and Europe
offer sufficient security guarantees in ongoing talks on a proposed peace deal,
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was reported to say on Sunday.
“We are talking about bilateral security guarantees between Ukraine and the
United States — namely, Article 5-like guarantees … as well as security
guarantees for us from our European partners and from other countries such as
Canada, Japan and others,” Zelenskyy told journalists in a group chat, according
to a report by the Financial Times.
Ukraine and European leaders are working on a U.S.-drafted 20-point peace plan
that includes territorial concessions to Russia.
Zelenskyy has said that he hasn’t heard back from the White House on his
proposed revisions to the plan.
Zelenskyy’s comments come while German, British and French officials on Sunday
are reportedly discussing the proposals to end the Ukraine war, ahead of a
meeting on Monday that’s to include the leaders of those countries.
U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff is expected to meet with Zelenskyy, who will be
received by Merz in Berlin on Monday.
Germany is sending soldiers to strengthen Poland’s eastern border with Belarus
and Russia, multiple media reported on Saturday.
Several dozen German soldiers will join Poland’s East Shield from April 2026,
with the mission initially running until the end of 2027, Deutsche Welle
reported, citing Berlin’s defense ministry.
German troops will focus on engineering work, according to a ministry
spokesperson quoted in the report. The spokesperson described this as building
positions, digging trenches, laying barbed wire and constructing anti-tank
obstacles.
The East Shield is a €2.3 billion program announced by Warsaw last year to
bolster security along its eastern border.
U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff plans to meet with Ukrainian President
Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Germany this weekend to discuss a plan to end the war
with Russia, according to multiple media reports.
U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron and German
Chancellor Friedrich Merz also are expected to take part in the meeting,
according to the reports. The Wall Street Journal was first to report on the
planned meeting in Berlin.
U.S. President Donald Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner will also attend the
Berlin meeting with Zelenskyy and the European leaders, Reuters reported.
The meeting is to discuss the latest version of a 20-point peace plan brokered
by the U.S. just days after Ukraine handed over its revised version to
Washington, according to the reports.
The plan proposes a demilitarized “free economic zone” in the Donbas region
where American business interests could operate.
A major sticking point in the negotiations is the fate of territory in eastern
Ukraine, which Kyiv refuses to cede after Moscow’s occupation.
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He’s not even European — yet Donald Trump has topped POLITICO’s annual P28
ranking of the most powerful people who will shape Europe in 2026.
EU Confidential host Sarah Wheaton takes you inside the gala in Brussels — where
commissioners, MEPs, diplomats, lobbyists and journalists packed into a
glittering room, even as the mood underneath the sparkle felt unusually tense.
At the event, Ursula von der Leyen sat down with Carrie Budoff Brown, POLITICO’s
executive editor, for an exclusive on-stage conversation — offering one of her
first public reactions to Trump’s sharp criticism of EU leaders as “weak,” and
Washington’s dramatic new security strategy, which seeks to undermine them.
Be sure to check out the full 2026 ranking here.
Plus, we bring you Sarah’s conversation with Balázs Orbán, the Hungarian prime
minister’s political director, who offers a perspective far outside the Brussels
mainstream — on Ukraine, on Europe’s political direction, and on where he
believes the EU keeps going wrong.
And finally, we have a taste of Anne McElvoy’s interview with Nick
Thomas-Symonds, the U.K.’s minister for European relations (for more, head to:
Politics at Sam and Anne’s ).
And if you haven’t yet, listen to the exclusive interview our colleague Dasha
Burns did with Donald Trump on our sister podcast The Conversation.
Ukraine’s latest peace plan proposes a demilitarized “free economic zone” in the
Donbas region where American business interests could operate — an attempt to
bring President Donald Trump on board, according to two people familiar with the
matter.
Trump, who sounded skeptical about the prospects for a breakthrough in Oval
Office comments on Wednesday, “is aware of” the latest 20-point plan Ukraine
sent to the White House Wednesday, spokesperson Karoline Leavitt said Thursday.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy also spoke to reporters about the
proposal Thursday, suggesting that control of the buffer zone in eastern Ukraine
still needs to be worked out but that, under the new proposal, troops from both
Russia and Ukraine would be barred.
That, Zelenskyy said, marked “a compromise” from the original 28-point peace
plan authored by the U.S. with Russian input, under which Russian troops would
control the region. But, he noted that Ukraine would only withdraw its forces
after receiving meaningful security guarantees from allies against future
aggression from Moscow.
The two people familiar with the proposal, granted anonymity because they were
not authorized to speak with the press, both expressed skepticism that Russia
would back the plan, crafted this week with input from European leaders. Trump,
they suggested, still views Ukraine as the weaker, more malleable party in the
conflict, especially in the wake of a corruption scandal that forced Zelenskyy’s
longtime chief of staff, Andriy Yermak, to step down.
“The White House is using this latest corruption scandal to pressure Zelenskyy,”
one of the people said. While European leaders have asked Trump to go to Berlin
next week to continue talks, the person added that was highly unlikely unless
there are substantial changes in the joint Ukrainian-European plan.
Leavitt did not elaborate on what Trump thinks about the revised proposal, or if
he would send aides to take part in additional conversations with European and
Ukrainian officials scheduled for this weekend in Paris.
“If there is a real chance of signing a peace agreement, if we feel like those
meetings are worthy of someone on the United States’ time this weekend, then we
will send a representative,” she said. “It’s still up in the air if we believe
real peace can be accomplished … [but] he’s sick of meetings for the sake of
meetings.”
According to officials from two of the countries involved, Trump’s special envoy
Steve Witkoff intends to take part in talks with national security officials
this weekend.
Trump has suggested that the security guarantees Ukraine is seeking, aimed at
deterring Russia from attacking Ukraine again, would have to come primarily from
Europe. Zelenskyy said Thursday that he and his team had “a constructive and
in-depth conversation” about security guarantees with U.S. secretary of state
Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, Witkoff and Trump’s son-in-law
Jared Kushner, along with military officials and NATO Secretary General Mark
Rutte.
One European defense official, granted anonymity to discuss internal
discussions, said that allies on the continent have been planning to move troops
and surveillance equipment to Ukraine. Coalition troops would fly drones inside
Ukraine to monitor whatever peace plan is agreed to, and while there will be
boots on the ground they “will not serve on the front line.”
The official said that the Europeans are stressing to the Americans that they
need deeper political coordination with Washington on the talks, reflecting
frustration about not having a seat at the table up to this point.
During a visit to Washington this week, U.K. Defence Secretary John Healey told
reporters that the so-called Coalition of the Willing is “ready to do the heavy
lifting in Europe, alongside the contribution to security guarantees that
President Trump has talked about from the U.S. But we’re ready to step in, and
we will help secure that peace long-term and protect the deal that President
Trump is looking to negotiate.”
He sketched an outline of some of the work being done, including some 200
military planners from more than 30 nations who have already participated in
“reconnaissance visits to Ukraine, and we have the troops ready. “
Over the last several months, Trump has repeatedly ruled out Ukraine’s future
membership in NATO, the longstanding transatlantic security alliance that deems
an attack on any member nation an attack on all.
The revised Ukraine peace plan, however, removed language from an initial
version barring Ukraine from ever joining the alliance, according to the two
people familiar with the proposal. It also calls for elections in Ukraine,
something Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin have been pushing for, the
two people said.
But Zelenskyy’s new commitment to hold elections shortly after a peace is
secured may not be enough to satisfy Moscow, which has demanded that Russia
control all of the contested Donbas region and guarantees that Ukraine will be
denied future accession to NATO.
BRUSSELS — European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said Thursday that
EU governments are already asking Brussels to create a second edition of the
bloc’s SAFE defense financing scheme, even before the first one has begun
distributing money.
Speaking at the POLITICO 28 event, von der Leyen said the EU’s flagship Security
Action for Europe loans-for-weapons program has become the runaway success of
the bloc’s rearmament push.
“I think the most successful is the €150 billion of the SAFE instrument,” she
said. “It is so oversubscribed by the member states that some are calling for a
second SAFE instrument.”
SAFE is designed to help countries jointly buy arms and ammunition from European
industry financed by low interest loans. Countries had to file national
procurement plans this fall, and demand has exceeded available funds, the
Commission president said.
The Commission chief used the appearance to argue that the past year has
reshaped the EU’s defense role at unprecedented speed.
“If you look at the last year when it comes to defense, more has happened than
during the last decades in the European Union,” she said, pointing to the
creation of the EU’s first full-time defense commissioner and the publication of
its first defense readiness plan.
She contrasted the bloc’s limited defense spending in the previous decade, when
only €8 billion was invested in defense on the European level, with the surge
now underway. “During the last year, we enabled an investment … of €800 billion
till 2030,” she said.
Von der Leyen’s acknowledgment that capitals want a “second SAFE” is part of an
ongoing push to continue ramping up defensing spending. That is likely to create
a major political clash for 2026, when countries will reopen negotiations over
the next long-term EU budget as there are calls for defense spending to be 10
times larger than under the current budget.
Any effort for countries to borrow jointly to fund defense will also spark
pushback from frugal capitals.
PARIS — Far-right presidential hopeful Marine Le Pen has criticized France’s
participation in European defense programs, arguing they’re a waste of money
that should be spent on the country’s military instead.
“[French President Emmanuel] Macron has consistently encouraged European
institutions to interfere in our defense policy,” she told French lawmakers on
Wednesday.
Slamming the European Defence Fund and the European Peace Facility — two
EU-level defense funding and coordination initiatives — and industrial defense
projects between France and Germany, she said: “A great deal of public money has
been wasted and precious years have been lost, for our manufacturers, for our
armed forces and for the French people.”
Le Pen was speaking in the National Assembly during a debate about boosting
France’s defense budget. Some 411 MPs of the 522 lawmakers present voted in
favor of increasing military expenditures — although the Greens and the
Socialists warned they won’t let social spending suffer as a result.
The far-right National Rally has an anti-EU agenda and is wary of defense
industrial cooperation with Germany. Le Pen criticized Macron’s proposal this
past summer to enter into a strategic dialogue with European countries on how
France’s nuclear deterrent could contribute to Europe’s security.
She also slammed the Future Air Combat System, a project to build a
next-generation fighter jet with Germany and Spain, describing it as a “blatant
failure.” She hinted she would axe the program if she won power in France’s next
presidential elections, scheduled for 2027, along with another initiative to
manufacture a next-generation battle tank with Berlin, known as the Main Ground
Combat System.
Le Pen claimed that France’s military planning law was contributing to EU funds
that were, in turn, being spent on foreign defense contractors. “Cutting
national defense budgets to create a European defense system actually means
financing American, Korean or Israeli defense companies,” she said.
Marine Le Pen criticized Emmanuel Macron’s proposal this past summer to enter
into a strategic dialogue with European countries on how France’s nuclear
deterrent could contribute to Europe’s security. | Pool Photo by Sebastien Bozon
via Getty Images
The French government has long pushed for Buy European clauses to be attached to
the use of EU money, with mixed results.
“[European Commission President Ursula] von der Leyen did not hear you, or
perhaps did not listen to you, promising to purchase large quantities of
American weapons in the unfair trade agreement with President [Donald] Trump,”
Le Pen declared.
In reality, the EU-U.S. trade deal agreed earlier this year contains no legally
binding obligation to buy U.S. arms.
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In Brüssel beginnt eine Woche, die über zentrale Weichenstellungen der EU
entscheidet. Die Innenminister der Mitgliedsländer einigen sich auf strengere
Regeln bei Abschiebungen, inklusive Rückführungszentren in Drittstaaten und
Leistungskürzungen bei fehlender Mitwirkung. CSU-Minister Alexander Dobrindt
spricht bereits von einer „Migrationswende 2.0“.
Und: Wolodymyr Selenskyj trifft nach Gesprächen in London mit Friedrich Merz,
Emmanuel Macron und Keir Starmer in Brüssel ein, um über Sicherheit,
Unterstützung und die stockenden Verhandlungen rund um die 165 Milliarden Euro
eingefrorener russischer Vermögen zu sprechen.
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
hintergründig.
Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis:
Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und
Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren.
Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski:
Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski.
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John Kampfner is a British author, broadcaster and commentator. His latest book
“In Search of Berlin” is published by Atlantic. He is a regular POLITICO
columnist.
When it comes to the war in Ukraine, predictions don’t last long. One minute
U.S. President Donald Trump’s acting like his Russian counterpart Vladimir
Putin’s emissary, the next he’s giving Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy a
reasonable hearing, and then it’s back again to the Kremlin camp.
With the U.S. administration increasingly taking on the role of unreliable
broker over a staunch ally, Europe is in a parlous position. And what has struck
me most during a series of security briefings and conferences I’ve attended in
Berlin and elsewhere this autumn, is the extent of the alarm. Yet, much of the
time, this remains hidden behind closed doors.
One of the few crumbs of comfort is that the E3 nations of Germany, France and
Britain are seeking to confront this cold reality in unison. After the trauma of
Brexit, and all the bickering between former German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and
French President Emmanuel Macron in recent years, the mood has changed — because
it had to.
If Europe is to survive a future attack by Russia — and that is the kind of
language being used — its big players must behave in a way they haven’t done
before. They must be joined at the hip.
As more than a dozen officials have made clear in a series of discussions, the
cost of inaction would be far greater than the cost of supporting Ukraine has
been so far. Not only would Putin be emboldened to go even further, Europe would
also be engulfed by a wave of Ukrainian refugees far greater than anything
experienced before.
And this realignment was visible amid the pomp and circumstance of German
President Frank-Walter Steinmeier’s state visit to the U.K. last week, as both
he and King Charles affirmed what they described as a deep bond between the two
countries — one that’s been reinforced by the shared threat of Russian
expansionism.
Meanwhile, the real business taking place at the government level is intense.
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz have
developed a genuine affinity, stemming from a shared view of current
foreign-policy perils and their domestic-policy troubles. A British prime
minister of the center-left and German chancellor of the center-right are
finding common cause in their double adversity.
The loss of the U.S. as a friend in need is what’s forcing this realignment for
both countries. Of course, neither publicly dares admit the situation is as bad
as it is, but the optics say everything that needs to be said. Just compare
Trump’s state visit in September — with its high security, taut smiles and
desperate obsequies by his hosts – and the relaxed conviviality of Steinmeier’s.
And dominating everything is security — though it’s less a “coalition of the
willing” and more a “coalition of the surrounded.” Or, as one German security
official, granted anonymity to speak freely, explained: “If the Americans are
now acting as mediators between Russia and Europe, they no longer see themselves
as partners within NATO.”
In practical terms, the U.S. is still the driving force behind the alliance,
notionally at least. As another German military figure, also granted anonymity
to express their views, put it: “The harsh truth is that Europe’s readiness
level to combat any Russian aggression doesn’t yet exist. Until that time, we
are reliant on the U.S. to act as a backstop.”
But that penny should have dropped last February, when U.S. Vice President JD
Vance dropped his various bombshells at the Munich Security Conference,
attacking European democracies, praising the far-right Alternative for Germany
party and serving notice that the U.S. no longer felt beholden to past
allegiances. The real surprise is that anyone’s been surprised by the Trump
administration’s actions since then.
Even now, some are continuing to cling to the hope that this isn’t the united
view in Washington, and that others within the administration still wield a
certain influence. This isn’t how security planners in Germany or the U.K. see
things, but it seems many politicians — and much of the public — are yet to be
convinced of just how serious the situation has become.
One minute U.S. President Donald Trump’s acting like his Russian counterpart
Vladimir Putin’s emissary, the next he’s giving Ukrainian President Volodymyr
Zelenskyy a reasonable hearing. | Pool Photo by Will Oliver via EPA
Their alarm will have been reinforced by the second Trump administration’s first
National Security Strategy. Published only a few days ago, it condemns many of
the liberal values underpinning European democracy, while praising the nativist,
nationalist rhetoric of the far-right — and implicitly of Putin.
Previously, the dominant narrative around Europe was about German reluctance,
whether brought about by postwar guilt and pacificism or complacency. But while
that has been replaced by a new determination, exactly how deeply is it
entrenched?
The commitment across NATO to increase defense spending to 5 percent of national
GDP — 1.5 percent of which can be spent on “critical infrastructure” — certainly
allows for much budgetary dexterity. But Berlin’s borrowing power gives it a
freedom its neighbors can only envy. Britain’s financial travails are
considerably more acute, and for all his tough talk, several defense contractors
suspect Starmer is going slow on defense orders.
As it stands, Germany is expected to spend €153 billion a year on defense by
2029. France, by comparison, plans to reach about €80 billion by 2030, and the
U.K. currently spends £60 billion — a figure set to rise to £87 billion by 2030
— but looking at current predictions, will only hit its 3.5 percent target in
2035.
For the governments in London and Paris, budgets are so tight and public service
spending requirements so great — not to mention debt interest payments — the
push-and-pull with security needs will only become more intense.
And while opinion polls vary from country to country and depending on how
questions are phrased, the growing concern among many defense officials is that
if Ukraine is pressured enough to accept some form of Trump-Putin dirty deal,
public support for military spending will decrease. “Job done” will be the
sentiment — except, of course, it won’t be.
For Putin, it can’t be. The Russian leader has tied his political survival, his
power infrastructure and his country’s economy to the notion of an encircling
Western “threat.” Hence his recent remarks about Russia being “ready” for war if
Europe wants to start one — he simply can’t afford to stop invoking threats.
But the original 28-point plan for Ukraine — which the U.S. initially denied
came directly from the Kremlin — represents Europe’s worst nightmare. And if a
spurious “peace” is imposed by any deal approximating that one, Germany, the
U.K., France and their other European allies, including Poland, Finland, the
Baltics, Nordics and (more cautiously) Italy, will know they’re out on their
own.
It would mark the return of big-power politics, a Yalta 2.0. It would enshrine
NATO’s de-Americanization, a structural incapacity for Ukraine to defend itself,
and confirm that, as far as the U.S. is concerned, Russia enjoys a veto on
European security.
“We say it’s existential, but we don’t yet act as if it is,” said one British
defense official, speaking on condition of anonymity. The task for Merz, Starmer
and Macron is then to accept — and admit to their publics — that they only have
each other to rely on.