BRUSSELS — The European Commission will not set up a new financing scheme to expand abortion access in Europe, rejecting a proposal backed by nearly 1.2 million European citizens. The Commission however said countries could use an existing fund to help women pay for abortion services. But first they may need to amend programs covered by this fund. The My Voice, My Choice citizens’ initiative called for the EU to establish a voluntary, opt-in financial mechanism to help countries provide abortion care to women who can’t access it in their own country and who choose to travel to one where they can. The European Parliament voted to support it in December. Some MEPs who opposed it said it infringed upon EU and national rules. The Commission said Thursday it “it is not necessary to propose a new legal instrument” because “EU support can already be provided relatively quickly by Member States willing to do so under existing instruments.” Countries can use the European Social Fund plus, the Commission said, “if in accordance with their national laws, to provide such support.” This has a budget of €142.7 billion and is largely used to support employment and welfare services. “The ESF+ can support the efforts of these Member States, while granting them autonomy to determine how and under what conditions access to safe and legal abortion will be provided,” the Commission said. “The Commission and My Voice, My Choice want the same thing: the highest standards of health for women in Europe,” Equality Commissioner Hadja Lahbib told POLITICO. “We are reaching our shared goal by using the tools in our hands. Until now, these tools had not been used. From now on, we will use them.” “The funding is there. Member States can act immediately, and we are ready to support them,” Lahbib said.

Dear President van der Leyen and members of the European Commission,    In the coming days, you will decide whether Europe honors one of the most inspiring democratic movements in its history   —   or lets an extraordinary expression of citizen power go unanswered.   Two years ago, a small group of young women in Slovenia launched My Voice, My Choice with a simple conviction: that every woman in Europe deserves the right to safe and accessible abortion care. Against the odds, they built a Europe-wide movement that united over 1.2 million citizens across all member states and brought their demand to the heart of European democracy.   Last December, the European Parliament voted overwhelmingly in favor of their proposal — affirming what this campaign has always stood for: that equality, dignity and bodily autonomy are not privileges but fundamental rights.  > equality, dignity and bodily autonomy are not privileges but fundamental > rights.  The European Parliament has spoken; now the European Commission has the opportunity to act.   At a time when women’s rights are under attack and many have lost faith in collective action, My Voice, My Choice shows what courage, persistence and solidarity can achieve. It reminds us that democratic engagement is alive — and that young people, especially young women, are still leading the fight for a more just and equal Europe. > At a time when women’s rights are under attack and many have lost faith in > collective action, My Voice, My Choice shows what courage, persistence and > solidarity can achieve. The European Commission has the opportunity to turn this historic grassroots effort into lasting policy — to prove that when citizens speak, Europe listens.    We urge you to act with the same hope and determination that brought millions together for this cause. The world is watching, not only to see what decision you make, but also to see whether Europe continues to lead on equality, democracy and the rights of women.   In solidarity,  Jacques Audiard, Film Director Tarana Burke, Founder of ‘me too’ Movement Sophia Bush, Actor and Activist Martin Chungong, Secretary General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union Helen Clark, 37th Prime Minister of New Zealand, Former Administrator of United Nations Development Programme Hillary Rodham Clinton, Former U.S. Secretary of State Mati Diop, Actor and Director Virginie Efira, Actor Dalia Grybauskaitė, Former President of Lithuania Geeta Rao Gupta, Former U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues Tarja Halonen, Former President of Finland Arthur Harari, Film Director Katrín Jakobsdóttir, Former Prime Minister of Iceland Sanna Marin, Former Prime Minister of Finland Beatriz Merino, Former Prime Minister of Peru Alyssa Milano, Actor and UNICEF Ambassador Alyse Nelson, President & CEO, Vital Voices Global Partnership Mary Robinson, Former President of Ireland and United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Anja Rubik, Model, Philanthropist, Founder of Sexedpl Foundation Mark Ruffalo, Actor and Advocate Niels Schneider, Actor Gloria Steinem, Author & Feminist Organizer Justine Triet, Film Director Justin Trudeau, Former Prime Minister of Canada Mabel van Oranje, Human Rights Activist -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is Vital Voices Global Partnership * The ultimate controlling entity is Vital Voices Global Partnership More information here.

LONDON — Reform UK is not a one-man band anymore. At least, that’s what Nigel Farage wants you to think. The leader of Britain’s populist right-wing party named four politicians to lead on key policy areas on Tuesday, after months of deliberate ambiguity about who does what in his top team. At a made-for-TV event in Westminster’s Church House — where Tony Blair addressed Labour MPs after his 1997 landslide — Farage promised an economic “super department” modelled on German rebuilding after World War 2, led by his deputy Richard Tice. Recent Conservative Party defectors Robert Jenrick and Suella Braverman will lead on the Treasury brief and education, skills and equalities respectively, while millionaire donor Zia Yusuf, Reform’s head of policy, will focus on home affairs and migration. Farage gave all four “shadow” government job titles, despite British convention reserving these only for the party of parliamentary opposition (the Conservatives). But his upstart party’s poll lead — and instability in the center-left Labour government — mean pressure has been growing for him to color in the lines of his plan for Britain. The message so far embodies the tension at the heart of Reform’s pitch to voters — be radical enough to inspire right-leaning voters but safe enough to keep their vote; give enough detail to look serious but not tie itself up in knots; and be Farage-focused enough to benefit from his stardust without turning into a one-man show. Here, POLITICO looks at what today’s line-up shows about Farage’s plan for government. 1) REFORM IS STILL MORE A CAMPAIGNING FORCE THAN A GOVERNMENT-IN-WAITING Farage insists Britain could get a snap general election in 2027, but his choice of priorities today — zoning in on hot-button issues such as migration, net zero and gender — shows a party focused more on contentious debate than the quiet, boring work of government. This is in stark contrast to Labour, which tried to avoid ideological spats in 2023 and 2024 in favor of technocratic preparations for power (which Labour officials later complained were a disaster). Much of this is just basic political strategy. Polls show Reform’s lead, while still substantial, has narrowed in recent months and there are more votes in migration and economic policies than in having spokespeople on foreign affairs or defense (both roles remain unfilled). Some things will also take time. Reform’s policy teams have long been thinly-staffed, though the party hired 25 new staff at its London HQ who started in January, said two people briefed on the detail (and granted anonymity to speak freely). A third person briefed on the details said the party is planning to work up detailed energy and business policies in time for its conference in September. But ultimately, Farage focuses on issues such as migration and supposed liberal creep because he feels strongly about them, and has done so for decades. His choices today show Britain will have a more radical, ideologically-driven government if he is prime minister. 2) THE RUBBER WILL START HITTING THE ROAD Farage and his allies announced a blizzard of policy ideas, but without firm decisions or timings, and questions will now grow about how Reform will get there and when. Tice said he wants GDP growth of 3 to 4 percent per year and to bury “net stupid zero” climate rules. He vowed to work up an industrial strategy focused on areas such as steel and car-making, and promised a “British sovereign wealth fund,” with more details to be unveiled next week. All this will require trade-offs. Tice wants to strip away regulation; the property tycoon questioned in November whether 30,000 pages of EU-derived financial sector rules could be stripped back to 100 pages. But at the same time, Reform does not rule out state involvement in strategic heavy industries. (Farage denied this would be “socialism.”) Likewise, Jenrick said taxes are “clearly too high” and promised to “build an economy that serves alarm clock Britain” — people who get up early for work — but was thin on the detail of any specific tax cuts. Fundamental questions about the shape of policy or the economy under Reform have yet to be answered. Four groups are due to finish work in May on regulation, growth capital, pensions and savings, and tax. Farage and Tice have toyed with the idea of scrapping the “triple lock” (which guarantees large increases in the state pension) but have not reached a conclusion. Braverman said 50 percent of young people should enter manual trades, while Tice has suggested a complete overhaul of pensions for public sector workers; these policies are yet to be fleshed out. At the same time, Farage’s appointees have their hands full — especially Tice, whose theoretical super-department would cover business, trade, energy and housing policy. He is also still in charge of Reform’s cost-cutting efforts in local councils. Some basic questions about personnel remain unanswered, too. Yusuf did not clarify at Tuesday’s event whether his role as “head of policy” remains intact. And as neither an MP nor a member of the House of Lords, Yusuf — a tech-investing millionaire — will not be required to declare his outside interests while running Reform’s home affairs policy, which could lead to more scrutiny of him personally. 3) FARAGE IS FIGHTING HARD IN THE CULTURE WARS Farage and his allies continue to take a leaf out of U.S. President Donald Trump’s book, doling out hardline policies and rhetoric on contentious issues — and picking strategic fights with journalists. Yusuf reiterated Reform’s plan for mass deportations, calling recent immigration the “most profound betrayal of the British electorate in history,” claiming people have “literally died” as a result. He promised that the U.K. would not just leave the European Convention on Human Rights, but “derogate from every international treaty that would otherwise then be used to frustrate and upend deportations.” That could be a long list. Braverman said “social transitioning” for gender-questioning children — where they change their pronouns, clothes or name — would be “absolutely banned in all schools, no ifs, no buts.” She also said Reform would abolish the equalities department “on day one,” repeal the 2010 Equality Act and abolish the “pernicious, divisive notion of protected characteristics,” which set down the terms of workplace discrimination in law. While these policies bear similarities with the Conservative Party, they are designed to go a step further and show that Reform is serious about tearing up many of the agreed-upon rules that have underpinned British policy and politics for decades. 4) … BUT HE’S ALSO DESPERATE TO WIN VOTERS’ TRUST Reform’s whole strategy on the economy is to reassure voters that it can be credible. Farage tore up £90 billion of promised tax cuts from his party’s 2024 manifesto in the name of fiscal credibility, despite saying today that he wants to upend the “prevailing economic orthodoxy” of the last few decades. The Conservative Party sensed this weakness last fall and moved to position itself as the reliable choice on the economy. Reform strategists know that it is one of the Tories’ advantages in polling, and a vulnerability in their own reputation that must be patched. They will partly know this because Jenrick himself was a prominent Tory until only a few weeks ago. The new “shadow chancellor” — who will re-state his own reassurance message in a press conference on Wednesday — said in September that he was “terrified” of a financial crash on the scale of 2008. Today, he promised a “government in waiting that can be trusted with the economy” and will work up policy in conversation with business. Hence, the details of any tax cuts under Reform remain vague and will be a key point of tension if Farage ever enters Downing Street. The leader said today that he “might” support tax breaks for people who have “quite a few children.” If he were PM, that sort of comment would lead news bulletins for days. Tice has called for “mad ideas” from the business community to support his deregulation drive. There are other areas where Reform wants to reassure. In her vision of the education system, Braverman promoted the Michaela Community School in north-west London, which the Tories have repeatedly looked to for inspiration. And Farage has long distanced himself from the far-right activist Tommy Robinson, knowing of his toxicity with center-ground voters. Perhaps the biggest bid at reassurance is hauling in former Tories. Jenrick and Braverman defected recently. Thatcherite Tice was a Conservative until 2019 and Yusuf only left the party in 2024. There could be more defectors to come, given the defense and foreign affairs jobs have been conspicuously left open. 5) THE ‘ONE-MAN BAND’ CHARGE IS STICKING Farage used the event to show that his party will have “a little bit less of me,” in his words: “If I was hit by a bus tomorrow, Reform has its own brand, Reform has its own identity.” Yet Farage has always struggled to shake off his own fame and done little to dispel it. Of the five lecterns arranged in a V-shape, his was the most prominent, central and closest to the audience. He repeatedly answered questions that were directed at his colleagues, and joked that if they are “disloyal,” they “won’t be here very long.” While Farage is more an electoral strategist than a deep policy thinker, some believe his picks simply reinforce his dominance over his party (for now). For example, Yusuf has so far focused much of his energy on tech and economic policy, while Jenrick has not held an economic brief for several years. One senior figure involved in Reform said of Jenrick’s appointment: “It’s a clear sign by Nigel that he doesn’t want an imperial chancellor like Gordon Brown or George Osborne. This is a statement that growth policy is going to be driven out of the business department.” There are plenty more appointments to come. But quite simply, there won’t be room in the spotlight for everyone — and much of that spotlight is taken up by Farage himself.  James Orr, a senior advisor to Farage, perhaps put it best last September, saying: “Don’t underestimate how much effect a small band of dedicated people in the cockpit of the nation can do.” That cockpit just got a little bigger; now Reform just has to decide who is at the controls. Noah Keate and Andrew McDonald contributed reporting.

A new EU-backed study sheds light on the gender gap in investments across Europe, with a particular focus on deep tech — a category of innovation that is central to Europe’s long-term competitiveness, security and economic resilience. Deep tech refers to companies built on scientific breakthroughs and advanced engineering, often emerging from research laboratories and universities. These include firms working in areas such as artificial intelligence, advanced materials, semiconductors, robotics, quantum technologies, climate and energy systems, health and biotech, and industrial technologies. Unlike many consumer-facing digital startups, deep-tech companies typically require long development timelines, specialized talent and significant upfront capital before reaching market. For the EU, deep tech is strategic. It underpins the green and digital transitions, strengthens industrial leadership, and reduces dependence on external technologies in critical areas such as energy, health and security. Ensuring that talent can access capital in these sectors is therefore not only a question of fairness — it is a question of Europe’s ability to compete globally. > Gender equality isn’t just a fairness goal. It’s a competitiveness goal. > Europe can’t afford to waste talent — especially in deep tech. > > Katerina Svíčková, Head of Gender Sector, DG RTD, European Commission Two objectives: Measure the gap — and understand how to close it The project was designed around two complementary goals. First, to identify and consolidate data that can be used to measure the gender investment gap in a consistent and transparent way across Europe. Second, to engage directly with founders, investors and policymakers to understand why the gap persists — and what could help bridge it, particularly in deep tech. While gender-disaggregated data exist, they are often fragmented, based on different definitions or not publicly comparable. This makes it difficult for policymakers, investors and ecosystem actors to assess progress or design targeted interventions. A prototype repository: The Gender Gap in Investments Dashboard A central output of the project is the Gender Gap in Investments Dashboard, developed by Dealroom. The dashboard is a prototype repository that already presents a clear picture of the current state of the gender investment gap using Dealroom data. It brings together information on company founding teams and venture funding outcomes across Europe in a single, accessible interface. The dashboard is not an endpoint. It is designed as a foundation that can, over time, incorporate additional data sources, improve coverage, and offer a more nuanced view of how gender, sector, funding stage and geography interact. The long-term ambition is to support the development of a credible, shared European data infrastructure on gender and investment. What the data show: Deep tech remains highly skewed Even at this early stage, the dashboard reveals persistent imbalances. Across Europe, startups with at least one woman founder raise just 14.4 percent of all venture capital (VC) rounds and 12 percent of total VC funding. In deep tech, the imbalance is even starker. Around 80 percent of deep-tech companies are founded by all-male teams, which receive nearly 90 percent of venture funding. > Investing through diverse teams helps unlock deal flow that would otherwise > remain invisible. > > Ulrike Kostense, Investment Principal, Invest-NL Given the capital intensity of deep tech, these disparities matter. Who receives early and follow-on funding today shapes which technologies Europe brings to scale tomorrow. Listening to the ecosystem: Evidence beyond the numbers To complement the data work, the project placed strong emphasis on qualitative research and ecosystem engagement. Over 11 months, the team conducted: * 81 in-depth interviews with founders, investors, fund managers, public banks and EU policymakers * 12 ecosystem events across Europe, engaging more than 1,000 participants Across countries and sectors, participants consistently pointed to structural barriers, including difficulties accessing early and scale-up capital, credibility gaps in fundraising — particularly in deep tech — fragmented support landscapes, and limited diversity in investment decision-making roles. From insight to action: Priorities for Europe Drawing on both the data and the ecosystem input, the report highlights several areas for action: * Build a permanent European data hub on gender and investment, starting with the Dealroom dashboard and gradually adding more public and private data sources. * Make investment data easier to compare and understand, by using shared definitions and reporting standards across EU and national funding programs. * Close the gap between early support and growth funding, so that startups — especially deep-tech companies that take longer to develop — are not lost before they can scale. * Use public investment to shape the market, drawing on the EU’s role as a major investor — including the European Innovation Council (EIC) and its investment arm, the EIC Fund, which provide public funding and equity to high-potential startups — to attract private capital and set better incentives. * Improve connections across the ecosystem, helping founders find the right funding routes and reach key decision-makers. A foundation for long-term change The central conclusion of the study is clear: Europe does not lack women innovators — it lacks the systems needed to measure, fund and scale them consistently. By combining a shared data foundation with direct engagement across the ecosystem, the project lays the groundwork for more informed policymaking, better investment decisions and a stronger, more inclusive European deep-tech ecosystem. Final Report: Gender Gap in InvestmentsDownload -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is EISMEA – European Innovation Council and SME Executive Agency * The ultimate controlling entity is EISMEA – European Innovation Council and SME Executive Agency More information here.

LONDON — Britain’s pubs are in distress. The beer-loving Nigel Farage has spied an opening. The Reform UK leader and his chief whip Lee Anderson are set to unveil a raft of new policies Tuesday meant to support struggling publicans — and punch a Labour bruise. It comes days after Chancellor Rachel Reeves — under pressure from a highly-organized pubs industry — was forced to U-turn on plans from her budget and announce a three-year relief package for the U.K.’s ailing hospitality sector. Farage isn’t alone — the government’s other rivals are setting out pub-friendly policies too, and are helping to push the plight of the British boozer up the political agenda.  But it’s the latest populist move by the right-wing outfit, whose leader often posts pictures from the pub on social media and has carefully cultivated an ale-drinking man-of-the people persona, to capture the attention of an electorate increasingly soured on Labour’s domestic efforts. ‘GENUINE PISS ARTIST’ Reform will on Tuesday lift the lid on a five-point plan to “save Britain’s pubs,” promising a slew of tax cuts for the sector — including slashing sales tax VAT to 10 percent, scrapping the employer National Insurance increase for the hospitality sector, cutting beer duty by 10 percent, and phasing out business rates for pubs altogether. The party will also pledge to change “beer orders” regulation, which sees large pub companies lock landlords into contracts that force them to buy beer from approved suppliers at much higher prices than the open market. Reform says the plan would be funded through social security changes — reinstating a two-child cap on universal credit, a move the party claims would save around £3 billion by 2029-30. “Labour has no connection to how real life works,” Farage said earlier this month as he lambasted government plans to lower the drink drive limit. One of the British pub industry’s biggest names thinks Farage could have a genuine opening with voters on this front. The Reform boss has “got the massive advantage in that he’s a genuine piss artist,” Tim Martin, the outspoken owner of the British pub chain JD Wetherspoons, said. “He genuinely likes a sherbet, which, when it comes to pubs, people can tell that, whereas I don’t think [they do] with the other party leaders,” he said. The pub boss recounted watching as Farage “whacked down two pints and had two cigarettes” ahead of an appearance on BBC Question Time in which Martin also featured, as other politicians hovered over their briefing notes. The dangers of upsetting the pub industry have not been lost on Labour’s political opponents. | Ben Stansall/AFP via Getty Images Green MP Siân Berry is less impressed with Farage’s pub shtick, however. She accuses him of “playing into a stereotype of pubs as spaces for older white men to sit and drink.” “Most people who run a pub business these days know that it needs to be a family space,” she said. SHOW US THE POLICY Either way, Farage is exploiting an opening left by Labour, which riled up some pubs with its planned shake-up of business rates. “When the Labour government came in, the pub industry was already weak — and they piled on more costs,” said Wetherspoons’ boss Martin. Since Labour won power in 2024 Reeves has also hiked the minimum wage employers must pay their staff, increased employer national insurance contributions, and raised beer duties. While the industry cautiously welcomed Reeves’ business rate U-turn last month, they say there’s still more to do. “This will make a significant difference, as three quarters of pubs are now going to see their bills staying the same or going down,” Andy Tighe, the British Beer and Pub Association (BBPA)’s strategy and policy director, said of the U-turn — but “it doesn’t solve everything,” he added. “For most operators, it’s those big sorts of taxes around business rates, VAT, duty, employment-related taxes that make the real difference, ultimately, to how they think about the future,” he said.  A U.K. Treasury spokesperson said: “We are backing Britain’s pubs — cutting April’s business rates bills by 15 percent followed by a two year freeze, extending World Cup opening hours and increasing the Hospitality Support Fund to £10 million to help venues. “This comes on top of capping corporation tax, cutting alcohol duty on draught pints and six cuts in interest rates, benefiting businesses in every part of Britain,” they added. ALSO PITCHING The dangers of upsetting the pub industry have not been lost on Labour’s political opponents. Politicians of all stripes are keen to engage with the industry, Tighe says. “Pubs matter to people and that’s why I think political parties increasingly want to ensure that the policies that they’re putting forward are pub-friendly,” he said.  Polling found that nearly half (48 percent) of Farage’s supporters in 2024 think pubs in their local area have deteriorated in recent years. | Henry Nicholls/AFP via Getty Images The Tories say they will abolish business rates for pubs, while the Liberal Democrats have pledged to cut their VAT by 5 percent. The Greens’ Berry also wants to tackle alcohol advertising which she says pushes people to drink at home. “A pub is a different thing in a lot of ways, it is more part of the community — drinking second,” the left-wing party’s representative said. “I think the evidence base for us is not to be anti-pub, but it might be against advertising alcohol.” Industry bigwigs like Martin have consistently argued that pubs are being asked to compete with supermarkets on a playing field tilted against them.  “They must have tax equality with supermarkets, because they can’t compete with supermarkets, which are much stronger financial institutions than pubs,” he said, citing the 20 percent VAT rate on food served in pubs — and the wider tax burden pubs face.  GLOOMY OUTLOOK The plight of the local boozer appears to be occupying British voters too. Polling from the think tank More in Common conducted in August 2025 found almost half of Brits (44 percent) go to the pub at least once a month — and among people who voted Labour in 2024 that rises to 60 percent. The same polling found nearly half (48 percent) of Farage’s supporters in 2024 think pubs in their local area have deteriorated in recent years — compared to 31 percent of Labour voters. “Reform voters are more likely than any other voter group to believe that their local area is neglected,” Louis O’Geran, research associate at More in Common, said. “These tangible signs of decline — like boarded up pubs and shops — often come up in focus groups as evidence of ‘broken Britain’ and drive support for Reform,” he added.  The job now for Farage, and his political rivals, is to convince voters their local watering hole is safe in their hands.

Vice President JD Vance on Friday said the United States will stop funding any organization working on diversity and transgender issues abroad. Vance called the policy, which has been widely expected, “a historic expansion of the Mexico City Policy,” which prevents foreign groups receiving U.S. global health funding from providing or promoting abortion, even if those programs are paid for with other sources of financing. President Donald Trump reinstated the Mexico City Policy last year, following a tradition for Republican presidents that Ronald Reagan started in 1984. Democratic presidents have repeatedly rescinded the policy. “Now we’re expanding this policy to protect life, to combat [diversity, equity and inclusion] and the radical gender ideologies that prey on our children,” Vance told people attending the March for Life in Washington, an annual gathering of anti-abortion activists on the National Mall. The rule covers non-military U.S. foreign assistance, making the Mexico City Policy “about three times as big as it was before, and we’re proud of it because we believe in fighting for life,” Vance said. That means that any organizations receiving U.S. non-military funding will not be able to work on abortion, DEI and issues related to transgender people, even if that work is done with other funding sources. POLITICO reported in October that the Trump administration was developing the policy. The State Department made the rule change Friday afternoon. Vance accused the Biden administration of “exporting abortion and radical gender ideology all around the world.” The Trump administration has used that argument to massively reduce foreign aid since it took office a year ago. Vance said the Trump administration believes that every country in the world has the duty to protect life. “It’s our job to promote families and human flourishing,” he said, adding that the administration “turned off the tap for NGOs whose sole purpose is to dissuade people from having kids.” Chris Smith, a New Jersey Republican who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Africa Subcommittee, called the new aid restrictions “the best and most comprehensive iteration” of the Mexico City Policy since Reagan. Smith, who opposes abortion, was also speaking at the March for Life. But domestic and international groups deplored the expanded policy, noting that it would make women and girls in some parts of the world more vulnerable. “History shows that the Mexico City policy not only diminishes access to essential services for women and girls, but also breaks down networks of organizations working on women’s rights, and silences civil society,” the International Crisis Group, which works to prevent conflicts, said in a statement. “This expansion will amplify those effects and is set to compound the global regression on gender equality that we have seen accelerate in the last year,” the group added. The expanded Mexico City Policy, which international groups have called the ‘global gag rule’ because of the restrictions it imposes, will limit how humanitarian groups and other organizations “can engage in advocacy, information dissemination and education related to reducing maternal mortality, sexual and reproductive health, and reducing stigma and inequalities anywhere in the world, with any funding they receive,” said Defend Public Health, a network of volunteers fighting against the Trump administration’s health policies. “This would effectively coerce them into denying that transgender, nonbinary, and intersex people exist,” the group said. Alice Miranda Ollstein contributed to this report.

LONDON — Reza Pahlavi was in the United States as a student in 1979 when his father, the last shah of Iran, was toppled in a revolution. He has not set foot inside Iran since, though his monarchist supporters have never stopped believing that one day their “crown prince” will return.  As anti-regime demonstrations fill the streets of more than 100 towns and cities across the country of 90 million people, despite an internet blackout and an increasingly brutal crackdown, that day may just be nearing.   Pahlavi’s name is on the lips of many protesters, who chant that they want the “shah” back. Even his critics — and there are plenty who oppose a return of the monarchy — now concede that Pahlavi may prove to be the only figure with the profile required to oversee a transition.  The global implications of the end of the Islamic Republic and its replacement with a pro-Western democratic government would be profound, touching everything from the Gaza crisis to the wars in Ukraine and Yemen, to the oil market.  Over the course of three interviews in the past 12 months in London, Paris and online, Pahlavi told POLITICO how Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei could be overthrown. He set out the steps needed to end half a century of religious dictatorship and outlined his own proposal to lead a transition to secular democracy. Nothing is guaranteed, and even Pahlavi’s team cannot be sure that this current wave of protests will take down the regime, never mind bring him to power. But if it does, the following is an account of Pahlavi’s roadmap for revolution and his blueprint for a democratic future.  POPULAR UPRISING  Pahlavi argues that change needs to be driven from inside Iran, and in his interview with POLITICO last February he made it clear he wanted foreign powers to focus on supporting Iranians to move against their rulers rather than intervening militarily from the outside.  “People are already on the streets with no help. The economic situation is to a point where our currency devaluation, salaries can’t be paid, people can’t even afford a kilo of potatoes, never mind meat,” he said. “We need more and more sustained protests.” Over the past two weeks, the spiraling cost of living and economic mismanagement have indeed helped fuel the protest wave. The biggest rallies in years have filled the streets, despite attempts by the authorities to intimidate opponents through violence and by cutting off communications. Pahlavi has sought to encourage foreign financial support for workers who will disrupt the state by going on strike. He also called for more Starlink internet terminals to be shipped into Iran, in defiance of a ban, to make it harder for the regime to stop dissidents from communicating and coordinating their opposition. Amid the latest internet shutdowns, Starlink has provided the opposition movements with a vital lifeline. As the protests gathered pace last week, Pahlavi stepped up his own stream of social media posts and videos, which gain many millions of views, encouraging people onto the streets. He started by calling for demonstrations to begin at 8 p.m. local time, then urged protesters to start earlier and occupy city centers for longer. His supporters say these appeals are helping steer the protest movement. Reza Pahlavi argues that change needs to be driven from inside Iran. | Salvatore Di Nolfi/EPA The security forces have brutally crushed many of these gatherings. The Norway-based Iranian Human Rights group puts the number of dead at 648, while estimating that more than 10,000 people have been arrested. It’s almost impossible to know how widely Pahlavi’s message is permeating nationwide, but footage inside Iran suggests the exiled prince’s words are gaining some traction with demonstrators, with increasing images of the pre-revolutionary Lion and Sun flag appearing at protests, and crowds chanting “javid shah” — the eternal shah. DEFECTORS Understandably, given his family history, Pahlavi has made a study of revolutions and draws on the collapse of the Soviet Union to understand how the Islamic Republic can be overthrown. In Romania and Czechoslovakia, he said, what was required to end Communism was ultimately “maximum defections” among people inside the ruling elites, military and security services who did not want to “go down with the sinking ship.”  “I don’t think there will ever be a successful civil disobedience movement without the tacit collaboration or non-intervention of the military,” he said during an interview last February.  There are multiple layers to Iran’s machinery of repression, including the hated Basij militia, but the most powerful and feared part of its security apparatus is the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Pahlavi argued that top IRGC commanders who are “lining their pockets” — and would remain loyal to Khamenei — did not represent the bulk of the organization’s operatives, many of whom “can’t pay rent and have to take a second job at the end of their shift.”  “They’re ultimately at some point contemplating their children are in the streets protesting … and resisting the regime. And it’s their children they’re called on to shoot. How long is that tenable?” Pahlavi’s offer to those defecting is that they will be granted an amnesty once the regime has fallen. He argues that most of the people currently working in the government and military will need to remain in their roles to provide stability once Khamenei has been thrown out, in order to avoid hollowing out the administration and creating a vacuum — as happened after the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.  Only the hardline officials at the top of the regime in Tehran should expect to face punishment.  In June, Pahlavi announced he and his team were setting up a secure portal for defectors to register their support for overthrowing the regime, offering an amnesty to those who sign up and help support a popular uprising. By July, he told POLITICO, 50,000 apparent regime defectors had used the system.  His team are now wary of making claims regarding the total number of defectors, beyond saying “tens of thousands” have registered. These have to be verified, and any regime trolls or spies rooted out. But Pahlavi’s allies say a large number of new defectors made contact via the portal as the protests gathered pace in recent days.  REGIME CHANGE In his conversations with POLITICO last year, Pahlavi insisted he didn’t want the United States or Israel to get involved directly and drive out the supreme leader and his lieutenants. He always said the regime would be destroyed by a combination of fracturing from within and pressure from popular unrest.  He’s also been critical of the reluctance of European governments to challenge the regime and of their preference to continue diplomatic efforts, which he has described as appeasement. European powers, especially France, Germany and the U.K., have historically had a significant role in managing the West’s relations with Iran, notably in designing the 2015 nuclear deal that sought to limit Tehran’s uranium enrichment program.  But Pahlavi’s allies want more support and vocal condemnation from Europe. U.S. President Donald Trump pulled out of the nuclear deal in his first term and wasted little time on diplomacy in his second. He ordered American military strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities last year, as part of Israel’s 12-day war, action that many analysts and Pahlavi’s team agree leaves the clerical elite and its vast security apparatus weaker than ever.  U.S. President Donald Trump pulled out of the nuclear deal in his first term and wasted little time on diplomacy in his second. | Pool photo by Bonnie Cash via EPA Pahlavi remains in close contact with members of the Trump administration, as well as other governments including in Germany, France and the U.K. He has met U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio several times and said he regards him as “the most astute and understanding” holder of that office when it comes to Iran since the 1979 revolution.  In recent days Trump has escalated his threats to intervene, including potentially through more military action if Iran’s rulers continue their crackdown and kill large numbers of protesters.  On the weekend Pahlavi urged Trump to follow through. “Mr President,” he posted on X Sunday. “Your words of solidarity have given Iranians the strength to fight for freedom,” he said. “Help them liberate themselves and Make Iran Great Again!” THE CARETAKER KING  In June Pahlavi announced he was ready to replace Khamenei’s administration to lead the transition from authoritarianism to democracy.   “Once the regime collapses, we have to have a transitional government as quickly as possible,” he told POLITICO last year. He proposed that a constitutional conference should be held among Iranian representatives to devise a new settlement, to be ratified by the people in a referendum.  The day after that referendum is held, he told POLITICO in February, “that’s the end of my mission in life.”  Asked if he wanted to see a monarchy restored, he said in June: “Democratic options should be on the table. I’m not going to be the one to decide that. My role however is to make sure that no voice is left behind. That all opinions should have the chance to argue their case — it doesn’t matter if they are republicans or monarchists, it doesn’t matter if they’re on the left of center or the right.”  One option he hasn’t apparently excluded might be to restore a permanent monarchy, with a democratically elected government serving in his name.  Pahlavi says he has three clear principles for establishing a new democracy: protecting Iran’s territorial integrity; a secular democratic system that separates religion from the government; and “every principle of human rights incorporated into our laws.” He confirmed to POLITICO that this would include equality and protection against discrimination for all citizens, regardless of their sexual or religious orientation.  COME-BACK CAPITALISM  Over the past year, Pahlavi has been touring Western capitals meeting politicians as well as senior business figures and investors from the world of banking and finance. Iran is a major OPEC oil producer and has the second biggest reserves of natural gas in the world, “which could supply Europe for a long time to come,” he said.  “Iran is the most untapped reserve for foreign investment,” Pahlavi said in February. “If Silicon Valley was to commit for a $100 billion investment, you could imagine what sort of impact that could have. The sky is the limit.”  What he wants to bring about, he says, is a “democratic culture” — even more than any specific laws that stipulate forms of democratic government. He pointed to Iran’s past under the Pahlavi monarchy, saying his grandfather remains a respected figure as a modernizer.  “If it becomes an issue of the family, my grandfather today is the most revered political figure in the architect of modern Iran,” he said in February. “Every chant of the streets of ‘god bless his soul.’ These are the actual slogans people chant on the street as they enter or exit a soccer stadium. Why? Because the intent was patriotic, helping Iran come out of the dark ages. There was no aspect of secular modern institutions from a postal system to a modern army to education which was in the hands of the clerics.”   Pahlavi’s father, the shah, brought in an era of industrialization and economic improvement alongside greater freedom for women, he said. “This is where the Gen Z of Iran is,” he said. “Regardless of whether I play a direct role or not, Iranians are coming out of the tunnel.”  Conversely, many Iranians still associate his father’s regime with out-of-touch elites and the notorious Savak secret police, whose brutality helped fuel the 1979 revolution. NOT SO FAST  Nobody can be sure what happens next in Iran. It may still come down to Trump and perhaps Israel.  Anti-regime demonstrations fill the streets of more than 100 towns and cities across the country of 90 million people. | Neil Hall/EPA Plenty of experts don’t believe the regime is finished, though it is clearly weakened. Even if the protests do result in change, many say it seems more likely that the regime will use a mixture of fear tactics and adaptation to protect itself rather than collapse or be toppled completely.  While reports suggest young people have led the protests and appear to have grown in confidence, recent days have seen a more ferocious regime response, with accounts of hospitals being overwhelmed with shooting victims. The demonstrations could still be snuffed out by a regime with a capacity for violence.  The Iranian opposition remains hugely fragmented, with many leading activists in prison. The substantial diaspora has struggled to find a unity of voice, though Pahlavi tried last year to bring more people on board with his own movement.  Sanam Vakil, an Iran specialist at the Chatham House think tank in London, said Iran should do better than reviving a “failed” monarchy. She added she was unsure how wide Pahlavi’s support really was inside the country. Independent, reliable polling is hard to find and memories of the darker side of the shah’s era run deep. But the exiled prince’s advantage now may be that there is no better option to oversee the collapse of the clerics and map out what comes next. “Pahlavi has name recognition and there is no other clear individual to turn to,” Vakil said. “People are willing to listen to his comments calling on them to go out in the streets.”

STRASBOURG — The European Parliament has voted today to set up an EU fund to expand access to abortion for women across the bloc, in a historic vote that divided lawmakers. The plan would establish a voluntary, opt-in financial mechanism to help countries provide abortion care to women who can’t access it in their own country and who choose to travel to one with more liberal laws. European citizens presented the plan in a petition — through the campaign group “My Voice, My Choice.” Lawmakers in Strasbourg voted 358 in favor and 202 against the proposal, and 79 MEPs abstained. The topic sparked animated discussions in the European Parliament plenary on Tuesday evening. MEPs with center-right and far-right groups tabled competing texts to the resolution put forward by Renew’s Abir Al-Sahlani on behalf of the women’s rights and gender equality committee. Supporters of the scheme argued it would help reduce unsafe abortions and ensure women across the bloc have equal rights; those who oppose it, mostly from conservative groups, dismissed it as an ideological push and EU overreach into national policy. Abortion laws vary greatly across the EU, from near-total bans in Poland and Malta to liberal rules in the Netherlands and the U.K. The fund could be a game changer for the thousands of European women who travel every year to another EU country to access abortion care. The European Commission now has until March 2026 to give a response. This story is being updated.

Latvia could become the first EU country to withdraw from a landmark international treaty to combat domestic abuse and violence against women following a parliamentary vote Thursday. Lawmakers voted by a margin of 56 to 32, with two abstentions, to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention — a Council of Europe treaty intended to standardize support for women who are victims of violence — just a year after it came into force. “It’s a shameful decision for the parliament,” Andris Šuvajevs, parliamentary group leader for the center-left Progressive Party, told POLITICO shortly after the vote, which took place after an intense 14-hour debate. The legislation to withdraw from the treaty was introduced by a right-wing opposition party, Latvia First, but passed with support from one of the three parties in the ruling coalition. The centrist Union of Greens and Farmers broke ranks with Prime Minister Evika Siliņa to help push the bill through. Ingūna Millere, a representative of Latvia First, told POLITICO in a written comment that the Istanbul Convention was a “product of radical feminism based on the ideology of ‘gender’” and that Latvia’s ratification of the treaty was “political marketing that has nothing to do with the fight against violence.” The push to withdraw from the convention has been sharply criticized by human rights groups, which warned that it would roll back women’s rights in Latvia. A day before the vote, around 5,000 people demonstrated outside the parliament, carrying signs reading “Hands off the Istanbul Convention” and “Latvia is not Russia.” Tamar Dekanosidze, the Eurasia regional representative for women’s rights NGO Equality Now, said the bill attempted to reframe gender equality initiatives as pushing an “LGBTQ agenda,” adopting a Kremlin-style narrative that allows politicians to portray themselves as defenders of “national values” ahead of elections.  “This would mean that, in terms of values, legal systems and governance, Latvia would be more aligned with Russia than with the European Union and Western countries,” she said, adding that this “directly serves Russia’s interests in the country.” Latvia’s withdrawal would require the support of President Edgars Rinkēvičs, who said before the vote that he would review the law and announce his decision within 10 days. Latvia would be only the second country to quit the convention following Turkey’s exit in 2021.