Jamie Dettmer is opinion editor and a foreign affairs columnist at POLITICO Europe. When U.S. President Donald Trump unveiled his 20-point Gaza peace plan, diplomats and commentators noted echoes of another deal former British Prime Minister Tony Blair had a hand in — the Good Friday Agreement. It was this landmark document, signed in 1998, that started the process that would end three decades of sectarian strife in Northern Ireland, known as the Troubles. The similarities between the two immediately struck academic David Mitchell, a Trinity College professor of reconciliation and peace studies. Several phrases appeared to be “lifted from the Good Friday Agreement — or at least inspired by it,” he told POLITICO, particularly those about a “process of demilitarization,” the “decommissioning” of weapons and “placing weapons permanently beyond use.” According to Mitchell, “the word ‘decommissioning’ wasn’t much in use until the Good Friday Agreement; people hadn’t really heard it before. I guess [it] was to try to take the sting out of disarmament, and maybe make it look less like a defeat for the paramilitaries.” No doubt this approach helped the Irish Republican Army’s pro-agreement camp eventually sell the landmark deal to the movement’s reluctant hard men. Nonetheless, it took nearly nine years to get Northern Ireland’s IRA to fully disarm and bring the conflict, which saw around 3,500 killed and 50,000 injured, to an end. So how long before Hamas disarms? The fact that the Good Friday Agreement — some of its core assumptions and the overall design of its confidence-building steps — served as a model for Gaza is hardly surprising. After all, Trump tapped Blair to help oversee postwar Gaza’s governance. The former prime minister also worked on the plan during the last six months of the previous U.S. administration, and subsequently with Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and Special Envoy Steve Witkoff when it was revived by the current administration. And as it was in Northern Ireland, disarmament is shaping up to be the Gaza plan’s most likely stumbling stone, particularly as it moves from its fairly simple transactional first phase of hostage–prisoner swaps and the cessation of hostilities to its second phase, which will see Hamas and allied Palestinian militant groups in the enclave lay down their arms. Phase three — if we ever get there — envisions the reconstruction of civil governance and the rebuilding of Gaza, which will of course take years. But so too will disarmament — if what unfolded in Northern Ireland is a guide. On Tuesday, after Hamas was accused of launching an attack on Israeli forces in the Rafah area, an impatient Trump warned the group to disarm or face a “FAST, FURIOUS, & BRUTAL!” end. But so far, the only disarmament that has taken place involves a family-based clan in Khan Yunis handing over its weapons to Hamas, as the militant group began a campaign of violence against clan-based opponents and Gazans it claims collaborated with Israel during the war. The main lesson from the Northern Ireland peace process, which came close to unraveling several times over disarmament, is that even with the strongest will in the world, it’s going to take considerable time — something that will give the deal’s opponents, whether Israeli or Palestinian, plenty of opportunity to throw a spanner in the works. The Good Friday Agreement was among Blair’s finest moments, and one he proudly argues remains an example to the world: “You had leaders who were prepared even at personal political risk to face down the recalcitrant elements in their own parties and move forwards,” he said on the 25th anniversary of its signing. “That’s why it’s a lesson for peace processes everywhere.” And moving forward, Blair will no doubt remind us that patience will be vital — something U.S. Vice President JD Vance already hinted at during his remarks in Israel on Tuesday. While echoing Trump and warning that “if Hamas does not co-operate, it will be obliterated,” Vance also stressed it would take “a very, very long time” to implement the 20-point plan and declined to set a deadline or timetable for Hamas to disarm. Drawing further parallels, Mitchell observed that after the Good Friday Agreement was signed, “decommissioning was immediately the most important issue.” It “dominated the whole peace process until 2007 and took on massive symbolic importance. There was some devolution and power-sharing, but it kept collapsing because Unionists didn’t have confidence [in] the IRA’s seriousness about disarmament,” he said. Hamas claims it has redeployed its gunmen only to ensure the enclave doesn’t plunge into anarchy. | Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images “As a militant group, your weapons are absolutely essential to your identity, which I assume is the case with Hamas. So, you don’t want to give them up lightly,” he added. Indeed, not. Once the ceasefire took effect, Hamas wasted no time, openly reappearing in areas the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) had just vacated and reasserting control over a chunk of the enclave. One Hamas officer told Qatar’s Al-Araby TV that redeployed gunmen would confiscate weapons from “fugitives” — a catch-all term for Palestinians opposing the group. And not long after, a video posted on Gaza-based social media networks showed an armed masked man shooting a Palestinian in the leg — a punishment often used by the militants against suspected collaborators. There have been more such shootings and executions since. Hamas claims it has redeployed its gunmen only to ensure the enclave doesn’t plunge into anarchy. But when it comes to eventual disarmament, it has only issued opaque statements, with a senior Hamas official telling Reuters earlier this week that he couldn’t commit to the group’s disarming. Asked if Hamas would lay down its arms, a member of the group’s politburo, Mohammed Nazzal, said: “I can’t answer with a yes or no. Frankly, it depends on the nature of the project. The disarmament project you’re talking about, what does it mean? To whom will the weapons be handed over?” He has a point: When it comes to the mechanics of decommissioning weapons, nothing is in place yet; there’s no one to receive them or monitor their destruction. Hamas is hardly going to hand over its arms to the IDF — much as the IRA didn’t hand theirs to the British army or the province’s police force, then known as the Royal Ulster Constabulary — as it would certainly get pushback from the hard men. Instead, Mitchell explained, it was two churchmen, a Methodist and a Catholic, who monitored the IRA destroying its weapons caches. “Basically, they were driven around the countryside inspecting the destruction of the weapons. It was all very secretive. Then they came back to the media and said: ‘We have seen the full and complete disarmament of the IRA.” Those arsenals were much smaller, though, and it’s difficult to imagine the likes of Israel’s National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir or Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich agreeing to such a stealthy process, taking the word of a pair of independent monitors that weapons have been placed beyond use. They will want total evidence and will be keen to rub Hamas’ nose in defeat. The most obvious solution here is for Hamas to hand its weapons over to an international stabilization force, which Vance said is still in the early stages of planning. He did not, however, directly link the actual mechanics of Hamas’ disarmament with the deployment of a stabilization force. That begs the question of Hamas’ intentions — including whether there’s a single chain of command or if splits will emerge within the militant group. “Is Hamas going to give up the weapons? Are they going to give up power? Even in recent days, we’ve seen that militants in Gaza aren’t entirely a monolith. To what extent does Hamas have operational control over all these elements?” asked Ned Price, a former U.S. diplomat who had worked with Blair and former Secretary of State Antony Blinken on the peace plan during the previous administration. For Mitchell, there’s one huge difference between the Good Friday Agreement and the Gaza plan: The former had the carrot of a political settlement, whereas Trump’s plan has no clear path to a two-state solution. “Northern Ireland’s peace process was linked with political progress, whereas in this agreement, there’s no linkage,” he said. That might prove to be the fatal flaw.

The EU should swiftly pull funding from organizations that fail to uphold its values, and do more to tackle hate speech, France, Austria and the Netherlands urged in an informal document seen by POLITICO. Citing a surge in antisemitic and racist incidents following the Hamas attacks on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023 and the war in Gaza, the three countries call on Brussels and national capitals to “redouble their efforts to combat racism, antisemitism, xenophobia and anti-Muslim hatred” and ensure that “no support is given to entities hostile to European values, in particular through funding.” The document lays out proposals to tighten financial oversight and expand the EU’s criminal and operational response to hate crimes. It calls on the European Commission to fully apply existing budget rules allowing for the exclusion of entities inciting hatred, and to make beneficiaries of programs such as Erasmus+ and CERV (Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values) sign pledges that they will respect and promote EU rights and values. The document comes just one day before a European Council meeting in Brussels at which EU leaders are expected to discuss support to Ukraine, defense, and also housing, competitiveness, migration, and the green and digital transitions. According to a draft of the Council conclusions obtained by POLITICO, national leaders are expected to stress that EU values apply equally in the digital sphere, with the protection of minors singled out as a key priority. Beyond funding, the document demands tougher measures against online and offline hate speech. It also urges Europol to launch a project looking at hate crimes and calls for education and awareness programs on tolerance and Holocaust remembrance through Erasmus+ and CERV.

The UK government is “deeply concerned” about clashes and the return of violence in Gaza, despite Donald Trump’s peace deal being in place since last week. On Sunday, Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper wrote on X that the “escalation” in Gaza is “deeply concerning.” Israel’s military said it had struck multiple targets in Gaza on Sunday, using aircraft and artillery, after it said that Hamas militants had shot at Israeli soldiers. The strikes killed at least 26 people, according to Reuters. Cooper, Britain’s top diplomat, said that the ceasefire “must hold and humanitarian aid must get through to those in need.” She urged that “all parties” uphold the ceasefire agreement to “avoid any further bloodshed.” Speaking to reporters on Air Force One Sunday night, US President Donald Trump said the ceasefire in Gaza was still in effect, despite the deadly strikes. Trump was unable to say if the Israeli strikes were justified: “I’d have to get back to you on that.” The Hamas-run government media office in Gaza says Israel has killed 97 Palestinians and violated the ceasefire agreement 80 times since it went into force.

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music It’s been a week where the politics of the Middle East and Britain’s relations with China have loomed large over Westminster. For all the backslapping and goodwill of Sharm el-Sheikh, will the ceasefire and exchange of hostages and prisoners in Gaza pave the way for a political solution? What part could Britain play? And how will the row over the collapsed Chinese spy case play out at home as the blame game between the government, opposition and prosecutors continues to rumble on? What impact will it have on Keir Starmer’s attempts to boost economic relations with China? Anne McElvoy talks to one of Westminster’s most prominent figures on foreign affairs, Emily Thornberry, who chairs the influential Foreign Affairs Select Committee of MPs. As one of Labour’s most senior backbenchers and a former shadow attorney general, she’s been unafraid to be a critical friend of Starmer. She’s also joined by Tim Ross, POLITICO’s chief political correspondent for Europe and the U.K., who’s been reporting on the reaction to President Trump’s Gaza peace plan and gauging the mood in Westminster over the row about Chinese espionage.

Jamie Dettmer is opinion editor and a foreign affairs columnist at POLITICO Europe. Ukrainian officials are displaying a newfound confidence — and it’s all thanks to U.S. President Donald Trump. Despite Russia’s pummeling airstrikes targeting the country’s energy system, the conviction that the end may finally be in sight is slowly spreading in Kyiv. Hopes in the capital are that by spring or summer, Russian President Vladimir Putin will be serious about negotiating, with talks of an end to the war sometime next year. In a recent closed-door parliamentary session with lawmakers from his Servant of the People party, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy hazarded Russia’s current heave in the country’s east may well be its final big land offensive in the conflict, according to those in attendance. Of course, the country will still have to endure another harsh winter, but Zelenskyy told them he expects there will be a real possibility of a truce — although, he noted, it won’t be easy. For that to happen, Russia needs to be hit with more economic and military pressure, so Putin understands the only logical outcome is to negotiate, and that prolonging the conflict will lead to no other advantages for him and will just bleed Russia. Thankfully, fresh off successfully brokering a ceasefire in Gaza, Trump seems determined to bring the war in Ukraine to a halt and add another notch in his belt to brandish at the Nobel Peace Prize judges. This is what a high-level Ukrainian delegation, including Zelenskyy’s powerful Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak and Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko, has been discussing with U.S. counterparts in Washington this week: How to leverage Putin into stopping his war, and how to help Ukraine endure Russia’s airstrikes this winter. And with Zelenskyy set to be in the White House on Friday for yet another face-to-face meeting with Trump, this time, they feel the tide might be turning in their favor. In his hour-long address in the Knesset on Monday, the U.S. president made clear his intention is to focus his efforts on ending the war between Ukraine and Russia: “It would be great if we could make a peace deal with [Iran] … First, we have to get Russia done,” he told Israeli lawmakers. For the man who once blamed Zelenskyy for the conflict, it seems this is now Putin’s war. Last month, Trump actually dubbed Russia the “aggressor.” It is this kind of talk that’s firing up Kyiv, and Zelenskyy didn’t miss a beat in responding: “We are working so that the day of peace comes for Ukraine as well. Russian aggression remains the last global source of destabilization, and if a ceasefire and peace have been achieved for the Middle East, the leadership and determination of global actors can certainly work for us, too,” he posted on social media. But Ukraine’s cautious confidence predates Trump’s Knesset speech. Slowly but surely, Trump and Zelenskyy have become aligned — more than anyone could have forecast back in February after their tempestuous Oval Office brawl, which was widely seen as an ambush. “You’re not in a good position. You don’t have the cards right now,” Trump had bellowed at Zelenskyy. Nor did things look good in August, when Trump greeted Putin on the tarmac of a Cold War-era air force base outside Anchorage, Alaska, for a summit that had Ukrainian and European leaders on the edge of their seats. They, along with the rest of the world, watched as Trump applauded the Russian ruler, had an animated but clearly friendly conversation on the red carpet, and invited a smirking Putin into the U.S. president’s official car to share a ride to the summit venue. To be sure, Putin had much to smile about: He had managed to secure the summit meeting despite being a wanted man for war crimes and was greeted on U.S. soil as a friend — not the leader of a pariah state that had invaded a sovereign European nation — all without agreeing to any major concessions or a ceasefire beforehand. He left Anchorage without committing to a truce either, despite Trump saying his Russian counterpart was keen to save thousands of lives during their joint press conference. With Zelenskyy set to be in the White House on Friday for yet another face-to-face meeting with Trump, this time, they feel the tide might be turning in their favor. | Photo by the Office of the President of Ukraine via Getty Images Since then, Putin hasn’t shown any solicitude for human life, and the continued strikes on civilian targets in Ukraine have contributed greatly to where Trump is now, explained one Republican foreign-policy insider, talking to POLITICO on condition of anonymity in order to speak freely. “Trump needed time to understand who Putin really is.” Plus, the media coverage calling the Alaska summit a “Putin triumph” infuriated Trump, the insider said. The Russian president, who appears convinced he just has to wait out the West, overplayed his hand by giving Trump nothing in Anchorage — or since, for that matter. Meanwhile, European leaders who Trump likes have continued their efforts to repair the damage the Oval Office bust-up wrought. The Republican insider lists British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, Finnish President Alexander Stubb and NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte as key players here, as well as Starmer’s National Security Adviser Jonathan Powell. He also said a winning card in the lobbying was Britain’s King Charles “telling Trump that Ukraine is great, and that has really changed Trump’s view of Ukraine.” But the insider also credits Zelenskyy for working hard on his relationship with Trump, and being careful with his language. “You have to understand that since the war began, Zelenskyy and Yermak had been used to being treated as rock stars, as global celebrities, and then Trump enters and says: ‘there’s only room for one diva here — me.’ That’s why we had the Oval Office blow-up,” he said. And proof of that has come in the form of increasingly friendly meetings with Trump, the most cordial of which took place on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly last month, with Trump praising the Ukrainian leader as a “brave man.” “We have great respect for the fight that Ukraine is putting up,” he said. “It’s pretty amazing, actually.” In his hour-long address in the Knesset on Monday, the U.S. president made clear his intention is to focus his efforts on ending the war between Ukraine and Russia. | Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images It was after that meeting that Trump surprised even Zelenskyy himself with the head-spinning comment that Ukraine might be able to reclaim all the territory it has lost to Russia. It also surprised some of Trump’s aides — after all, the U.S. had made clear Ukraine would have to give up land in return for peace only the previous month. There have been other factors shaping Trump’s shift too, and according to another Republican foreign policy adviser who asked to remain anonymous to freely discuss sensitive matters, these include China hosting Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un last month. “Please give my warmest regards to Vladimir Putin, and Kim Jong Un, as you conspire against the United States of America,” Trump scathingly posted on his Truth Social platform. “The best way to get back at Putin is to praise Zelenskyy — that’s how Trump sees it,” the adviser said. And going even further, ramp up U.S. support for Ukraine. To that end, Washington has recently increased its intelligence-sharing with Ukrainian forces to assist in long-range attacks on energy targets deep inside Russia, bringing the consequences of the war home to ordinary citizens. Meanwhile, talk of supplying Ukraine with Tomahawk Cruise missiles is meant to scare the Kremlin — although the risk of escalation will likely deter Trump from going that far. Overall, the cards have certainly started to flutter into Zelenskyy’s hands. Ukrainian officials and their supporters in the U.S. hope they’ll continue to do so — although they concede that with Trump, nothing can be taken for granted. How will he respond if Putin remains obdurate, as signs are that he will? Still, for all his unpredictability, they’re happier with this Trump than the one in February.

Greta Thunberg accused Israeli soldiers of physically assaulting her after she was detained on a boat approaching Gaza earlier this month. The Swedish activist was with the Global Sumud Flotilla carrying humanitarian aid to Gaza. The passengers, including Thunberg and French MEP Rima Hassan, were intercepted by Israeli authorities, arrested and detained. “They hit and kicked me,” Thunberg told Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet, adding that the soldiers “threw an Israeli flag over me” to humiliate her. “Then they ripped my frog hat off, threw it on the ground, stomped and kicked it and kind of had a tantrum,” she said. Thunberg alleged her hands were cable-tied and soldiers lined up to take selfies with her as her belongings were slowly cut up with knives. At one point, far-right minister Itamar Ben-Gvir appeared before the group of activists and shouted, “You are terrorists. You want to kill Jewish babies,” Thunberg said. “There’s a lot I don’t remember,” she added. “So much happening at once. You’re in a state of shock.” During their captivity, Thunberg claimed jail guards frequently threatened to “gas” the activists in their cells. Thunberg added she was isolated in her own cell, which was infested with insects. The Israel Defense Forces did not respond to multiple requests for comment. During Thunberg’s captivity, the Israeli foreign ministry called allegations it had mistreated her and the other activists “brazen lies.” “Greta also did not complain to the Israeli authorities about any of these ludicrous and baseless allegations — because they never occurred,” the ministry said in a statement on Oct. 5. Swedish embassy officials took days to meet with the Swedes in Israeli captivity, Thunberg said, and showed little interest in their mistreatment. The passengers, including Thunberg and French MEP Rima Hassan, were intercepted by Israeli authorities, arrested and detained. | Thierry Nectoux/Getty Images Asked about Thunberg’s claims, Foreign Minister Maria Malmer Stenergard told Aftonbladet the activists had “exposed themselves to a great risk” by participating in the flotilla mission. Thunberg was released and deported after five days. She said her bag was returned to her with “whore” and other profanities scribbled on it.

The U.S.-brokered ceasefire between Israel and Hamas is looking increasingly fragile after Israel shot several people on Tuesday and U.S. President Donald Trump raised the prospect of further violence. Speaking at the White House, Trump said of the Palestinian militant group: “If they don’t disarm, we will disarm them. And it will happen quickly, and perhaps violently.” Earlier on Tuesday, Israeli troops shot several people who they accused of violating the ceasefire agreement by crossing the ‘yellow line’ behind which Israeli troops are stationed. Local authorities said six were killed. There is also tension over the return of the bodies of people that Hamas took hostage on Oct. 7, 2024, with Israel accusing the militant group of being too slow to return the remainder. Four bodies out of the estimated 28 were handed over on Monday. Far-right minister Itamar Ben-Gvir called on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to give Hamas an ultimatum on their return. “If you do not immediately return all the bodies of our fallen and continue to delay, we will immediately halt all aid supplies entering the Strip,” Ben-Gvir said on Telegram. The truce agreement called for the immediate handover of all bodies but acknowledged the destruction of the enclave might make some difficult to locate.

Two top figures in German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s government called Tuesday for Berlin to lift its restrictions on exporting weapons to Israel after this week’s peace deal. Germany partially suspended arms exports to Israel in August, targeting weapons “clearly usable in Gaza,” and has not approved any new exports since then. But that should change now that Israel has halted its offensive, the two leaders of Merz’s conservative CDU/CSU parliamentary group said Tuesday. Alexander Hoffmann, parliamentary group leader of the CSU, told reporters that sanctions against Israel should be lifted “immediately.” He was backed up by Jens Spahn, parliamentary group leader of the CDU, who said the “final decision” would be made by the Federal Security Council, a government committee advising on national security policy. “And I am sure that it will then come to the conclusions that my colleague Hoffmann has just mentioned,” Spahn added. Israel and Hamas agreed to a U.S.-brokered peace deal this week after two years of bloodshed, including the killing of over 60,000 Palestinians. Germany, traditionally one of Israel’s staunchest allies, has taken a markedly sharper tone about the Israeli military’s offensive in recent months, but Merz has stopped short of committing Berlin to supporting the EU’s proposed sanctions. Those include partially suspending the EU–Israel Association Agreement and sanctioning two far-right ministers in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government. But the measures could be altered or withdrawn as the situation in Gaza evolves, the European Commission hinted Monday, with the topic to be raised at the next meeting of EU foreign ministers on Oct. 20. Hans von der Burchard contributed to this report.

The Gaza ceasefire summit in Sharm el-Sheikh on Monday was hailed by world leaders as a historic breakthrough and celebrated by U.S. President Donald Trump as a defining achievement of his second term.  But the spectacle also served as a reminder that international diplomacy under Trump rarely goes according to script.  Here’s the definitive collection of the impromptu flattery and awkward interactions that had leaders, diplomats, aides and social media scrambling and laughing in equal measure.  ‘BEAUTIFUL’ MELONI In the middle of his remarks on stage, Trump turned to Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and declared: “She’s a beautiful young woman.” “If you use the word ‘beautiful’ in the United States about a woman, that’s the end of your political career, but I’ll take my chances,” he added. He then addressed Meloni directly: “You don’t mind being called beautiful, right? Because you are.”   Meloni was the only woman among roughly 30 world leaders on stage at the peace summit.   TEASING MACRON  While Trump lavished praise on Meloni, he had a more playful message for his “good friend” French President Emmanuel Macron.   On stage, Trump thanked Macron for his support, looked around — unsuccessfully at first — to find him, then added of the camera-friendly French leader: “I would imagine Emmanuel standing somewhere behind me … where is he? I can’t believe it, you’re taking a low-key approach today.” The leaders burst into laughter, including Meloni who is known for her sometimes-frosty relationship with the French president.   Trump quickly reassured the room: “He is my friend.”  MONEYBAGS  When Trump spotted Manchester City owner and United Arab Emirates Vice President and Deputy Prime Minister Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan at the summit, he couldn’t resist a quip about the man from the deep-pocketed petromonarchy. “A lot of cash, unlimited cash! And he’s a good man, too … ” Trump beamed.  BIG TICKET ITEM  Perhaps the most unusual guest appearance at the holiday resort was by FIFA President Gianni Infantino, who posed for a photo with Trump and even joined the group snap with world leaders. Next year’s World Cup will, of course, take place largely in the U.S. meaning there’s a joint incentive for Trump and Infantino to develop their bromance. Trump light-heartedly needled Infantino about the price of entry to World Cup matches, joking to reporters: “He’s charging a lot for those tickets, huh?” Entry to the first U.S. match will set fans back at least $560, while the cheapest World Cup final tickets are $2,030. At least Trump can afford that. UP IN SMOKE  Whoever said European leaders weren’t friends? Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s duty of care extended so far as urging Meloni to stop using tobacco.  “You look great. But I have to make you stop smoking,” Erdoğan told her, something Macron said was “impossible.” “I know, I know,” Meloni sighed, warning that quitting smoking could make her less sociable. “I don’t want to kill somebody.” COLD MIC MOMENT  British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, desperate to maintain good relations with Trump, darted to his side when the president asked on stage, “Where is the United Kingdom?”  As Starmer appeared ready to address the crowd, the U.S. president instead said “it’s very nice that you’re here” before resuming his own speech … and forcing Starmer to take the longest few steps away from the podium. What was he going to say? We’ll never know. GUESSING GAME  Another thing we’ll never know — or maybe we will, actually! — is the list of names in Trump’s black book. Right in front of his fellow world leaders, the U.S. president admitted, “I have a couple I don’t like in particular, but I won’t tell you who.” The drama continued when Trump added, “I have actually a few of them I don’t like at all. You’ll never find out who they are.” In gold dust for hacks, he then speculated, “Or maybe you will.” Such a tease.  OH, CANADA  While Trump has repeatedly clashed with other world leaders, the summit was largely a time for bonhomie. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney jumped in to thank Trump for accidentally calling him the president. “I’m glad you upgraded me,” Carney grinned.  “Oh, did I?” Trump joked, eager to have the last laugh, before adding, “At least I didn’t say governor.” That quip was aimed at Carney’s predecessor Justin Trudeau, who Trump trolled at length during his two terms as U.S. president. Trudeau, for his part, was unlikely to be paying too much attention given his other priorities right now. ORBÁN’S BOWS   In a bizarre scene, Hungary’s nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orbán slowly emerged from behind a cluster of leaders and offered a low, deliberate bow to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, who was in mid-conversation with former U.K. Prime Minister Tony Blair. Observers were left guessing: Was it formal protocol, a gesture of flattery, or simple diplomatic confusion? Or perhaps an inside joke. PRAISE OR WARNING?  If Orbán was bowing, Trump took a blunter approach to the Azerbaijani leader. “You don’t want him as an enemy,” Trump noted, delivering his signature mix of praise and caution when discussing a strongman leader, as he posed for a photo alongside the mustachioed Aliyev.   FAMILY MATTERS Sharm el-Sheikh really was the networking event beyond compare. Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto was caught on hot mic asking Trump for a meeting with Eric Trump, an executive vice president of the Trump Organization.  His tycoon-turned-politician father willingly obliged, saying “I’ll have Eric call. Should I do that? He’s such a good boy.”

U.S. President Donald Trump lashed out at Time magazine, calling a cover photo that accompanied a feature on his Middle East peace deal “the Worst of All Time.” “Time Magazine wrote a relatively good story about me, but the picture may be the Worst of All Time,” Trump wrote on Truth Social early on Tuesday. “They ‘disappeared’ my hair, and then had something floating on top of my head that looked like a floating crown, but an extremely small one. Really weird!” He went on to call the image “a super bad picture that deserves to be called out.” The Time cover, unveiled Monday with the headline “His Triumph,” features a photo taken from below Trump of the president gazing up, seemingly backlit by bright sunlight. The issue marks the magazine’s acknowledgment of what it called “a signature achievement of Trump’s second term” and a “strategic turning point” for the Middle East: the first phase of a peace agreement between Israel and Hamas that has led to the release of all Israeli hostages held in Gaza and the freeing of around 2,000 Palestinian prisoners from Israel. Trump’s remarks came hours after he concluded visits to Tel Aviv, Jerusalem and Sharm el-Sheikh on Monday, where he oversaw the signing of the Gaza peace deal — a plan he personally championed and which formally ended two years of conflict following the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas attack that sparked war in the region. The president, who has been both criticized and praised for his approach to Middle East diplomacy, has a long and complicated history with Time magazine. The publication has often featured him on its cover, sometimes unflatteringly, but has also named him Person of the Year twice.