The world has been rewired. The post-war order is fragmenting, public pessimism has reached crisis levels, and the gap between elite and public opinion is wider than ever. The FGS Global Radar 2026 — drawing on 175 interviews with senior leaders and polling nearly 20,000 people across 27 democracies — maps the new terrain. For leaders gathering in Davos this week, understanding it is critical. Via FGS Global Previous Radar reports were defined by volatility and uncertainty. These remain constants. But in 2026, the shape of the world is now more clearly defined — and the question for leaders is whether they can see it clearly enough to navigate it. A rewired world The multilateral consensus in place since World War II — guided by international institutions and liberal democracies — is being rewritten. Those institutions are weakening, with strongman leaders increasingly calling the shots within their own spheres of influence. > The post-war rules-based order is fragmenting into spheres of influence, with > transactional relationships and strongman leadership supplanting shared > values. As one expert put it: “The post-war rules-based order is fragmenting into spheres of influence, with transactional relationships and strongman leadership supplanting shared values.” The United States and China are now in fierce, direct competition for dominance — across trade, technology and an emerging space race. Gray zone conflict will be common. The rest of the world is having to align accordingly, navigating constantly shifting sands. For those gathering in Davos, the implications are stark. We are shifting from “What are our shared principles?” to “What can you do for me?” As another expert observed: “America doesn’t have anyone’s back anymore.” Our polling finds that seven in 10 people want their country to be more assertive of national interests, even if this creates friction with others. Nationalist sentiment is ascending. And Europe? “If Trump and Xi are talking, Europe isn’t even at the table.” The elite-public divide This year’s Radar report reveals something leaders at Davos must confront directly: a profound and widening gap between elite opinion and public sentiment. Ideas widely favored by leaders — letting artificial intelligence flourish, cutting spending, incentivizing entrepreneurs — are roundly opposed by voters. More troubling still, the public is susceptible to populist claims that difficult trade-offs don’t need to be made. In our poll, most people agreed: “There are clear and easy solutions to the big challenges facing the country, if only we had better political leaders.” > We are shifting from ‘What are our shared principles?’ to ‘What can you do for > me?’ We are living in a K-shaped world. The winners are high-income earners and technology industries. Those on lower incomes and in traditional sectors are struggling. Most people across the 27 countries polled expect to be worse off next year; only those on high incomes believe they will be better off. The cost of living remains the most important issue across generations and political affiliations. This feeds directly into attitudes on tax. Large majorities want more of the burden borne by business and the wealthy. Sixty-four percent support a wealth tax. These are not fringe positions — they are mainstream sentiment across developed democracies. The generational divide compounds the problem. Fifty-four percent of 18-34 year olds believe too much support goes to the elderly. Fifty percent of over-55s think too much goes to the young. Each generation feels the other is getting a better deal. And across all age groups, 73 percent believe life will be harder for the next generation. Pessimism at crisis levels Public confidence has been eroding for years. But the mood has now intensified to a crisis point. Across all 27 countries polled, 76 percent say their country feels divided. Sixty-eight percent believe their political system is failing and needs fundamental reform. Sixty-two percent feel their national identity is disappearing. > Pessimism on this scale, replicated across democracies, isn’t normal — and may > not be sustainable. To be clear: pessimism on this scale, replicated across democracies, isn’t normal — and may not be sustainable. It is fueling political instability and populism. Systems and governments that appear analog in a digital world, and fail to deliver better outcomes, will increasingly be challenged. Trust in traditional institutions continues to collapse. Sixty-one percent believe mainstream media have their own agenda and cannot be trusted. The hierarchy of trust is stark: medical doctors at 85 percent, big business at 41 percent, ChatGPT at 34 percent and politicians at just 22 percent. Perhaps most striking: 47 percent of people report feeling disconnected from society. When presented with the Matrix dilemma — a choice between blissful ignorance and complex reality — a quarter chose ignorance. Among Gen Z, it rises to over a third. Disengagement is becoming a generational norm. Europe’s pivotal moment For European leaders, the report offers both warning and opportunity. Our polling finds overwhelming support — 70-80 percent — in every EU country for major reform and stronger control of national borders. The Draghi and Letta reports are seen as offering the most coherent reform roadmap in years, but implementation is stuck at just 11 percent. As one expert noted: “Things are bad — but not so bad people are willing to be pushed through a pain barrier.” That may not remain true for long. What leaders must do The Radar concludes with a clear message: in a rewired world, long-term strategy matters more than ever. “If you haven’t got a strategy, you’re lost,” said one leader we interviewed. But strategy alone is not enough. The next most cited quality was agility — the ability to move fast and adapt. One compelling analogy: leaders need satellite navigation. Be clear on your destination, but flexible on how you get there. “You need a North Star, but like a GPS, you’re going to have to re-route — roadworks, delays, traffic jams.” Authenticity emerged as essential. “Authenticity by definition is infinitely durable. You are what you are.” And finally, storytelling: “Social media divides us, hates complexity, kills concentration. Nothing sticks. Leaders must repeat their message relentlessly.” Strategy. Agility. Authenticity. Storytelling. These are what 2026 demands. Download the full FGS Global Radar 2026 report here: https://fgsglobal.com/radar.

Poland scrambled fighter jets and placed its air defense systems on heightened alert overnight as Moscow launched one of its heaviest air assaults on Ukraine in recent weeks.  The Russian attack sent shockwaves across NATO’s eastern flank just a day before Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is due to meet U.S. President Donald Trump to discuss a newly revised peace proposal. Poland’s Operational Command posted Saturday on X that military aviation operations were launched in Polish airspace “in connection with the activity of long-range aviation of the Russian Federation carrying out strikes on the territory of Ukraine.”  Fighter jets were scrambled and ground-based air defense and radar reconnaissance systems were put on readiness as a preventive measure to protect Polish airspace. The move came as Russia attacked Ukraine overnight with nearly 500 drones — many of them Iranian-designed Shaheds — and around 40 missiles, including Kinzhal hypersonic weapons, according to Ukrainian authorities. “Another Russian attack is still ongoing,” Zelenskyy wrote on X at mid-morning Saturday, saying the primary target was Kyiv, where energy facilities and civilian infrastructure were hit. He said residential buildings were damaged and rescue teams were searching for people trapped under rubble, while electricity and heating were cut in parts of the capital amid freezing temperatures. Ukrainian Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko said at least one person was killed and more than 20 others were injured in Kyiv, with multiple civilian sites damaged and search-and-rescue operations continuing. Zelenskyy said the barrage underscored Russian President Vladimir Putin’s lack of seriousness about ending the war. “Russian representatives engage in lengthy talks, but in reality, Kinzhals and Shaheds speak for them,” Zelenskyy wrote. The attack came one day before Zelenskyy is expected to meet Trump in Florida to present a revised 20-point peace plan, including proposals on security guarantees and territorial arrangements, talks Trump has publicly framed as contingent on his approval. Several hours later, Poland’s military said the air operation had ended and that no violation of Polish airspace had been detected.

DUBLIN — Neutral and poorly armed Ireland — long viewed as “Europe’s blind spot” — announced Thursday it will spend €1.7 billion on improved military equipment, capabilities and facilities to deter drones and potential Russian sabotage of undersea cables. The five-year plan, published as Defense Minister Helen McEntee visited the Curragh army base near Dublin,  aims in part to reassure European allies that their leaders will be safe from attack when Ireland — a non-NATO member largely dependent on neighboring Britain for its security — hosts key EU summits in the second half of next year. McEntee said Ireland intends to buy and deploy €19 million in counter-drone technology “as soon as possible, not least because of the upcoming European presidency.” Ireland’s higher military spending — representing a 55 percent increase from previous commitments — comes barely a week after a visit by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy exposed Ireland’s inability to secure its own seas and skies. Five unmarked drones buzzed an Irish naval vessel supposed to be guarding the flight path of Zelenskyy’s plane shortly after the Ukrainian leader touched down at Dublin Airport. The Irish ship didn’t fire at the drones, which eventually disappeared. Irish authorities have been unable to identify their source, but suspect that they were operated from an unidentified ship later spotted in European Space Agency satellite footage. The Russian embassy in Dublin denied any involvement. Ireland’s navy has just eight ships, but sufficient crews to operate only two at a time, even though the country has vast territorial waters containing critical undersea infrastructure and pipelines that supply three-fourths of Ireland’s natural gas. The country has no fighter jets and no military-grade radar and sonar. Some but not all of those critical gaps will be plugged by 2028, McEntee pledged. She said Ireland would roll out military-grade radar starting next year, buy sonar systems for the navy, and acquire up to a dozen helicopters, including four already ordered from Airbus. The army would upgrade its Swiss-made fleet of 80 Piranha III armored vehicles and develop drone and anti-drone units. The air force’s fixed-wing aircraft will be replaced by 2030 — probably by what would be Ireland’s first wing of combat fighters. Thursday’s announcement coincided with publication of an independent assessment of Ireland’s rising security vulnerabilities on land, sea and air. The report, coauthored by the Dublin-based think tank IIEA and analysts at Deloitte, found that U.S. multinationals operating in Ireland were at risk of cyberattacks and espionage by Russian, Chinese and Indian intelligence agents operating in the country.

BERLIN — Germany’s Bundestag budget committee is planning to sign off on over €2.6 billion in new military programs, according to a confidential list seen by POLITICO. The approvals, set for next week, mark another broad procurement round as Berlin ramps up defense spending and reenergizes its arms industry. The 11-item package includes almost every capability area: drones, long-range missiles, soldier systems, logistics vehicles and critical radar upgrades.  For Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s government, it’s another step toward making the Bundeswehr a war-ready force while giving German manufacturers a steadier pipeline of long-term orders. Some of the biggest checks are being written for drones. MPs will clear about €68 million for Uranos KI, an AI-enabled reconnaissance network built in competing versions by Airbus Defence and Space and German defense-AI company Helsing. Another €86 million will keep the German Heron TP, operated by Airbus DS Airborne Solutions and based on Israel’s Heron TP, flying into the 2030s. Roughly €16 million will go to Aladin, a short-range reconnaissance drone developed by Munich-based start-up Quantum Systems. Air power also gets a significant boost. MPs are set to approve around €445 million for a new batch of Joint Strike Missiles, produced by Norway’s Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace and integrated for Germany’s incoming Lockheed Martin F-35A fleet. Separate contracts worth €37 million will replace obsolete radar components on Eurofighter jets.  NH90 naval helicopters, built by NHIndustries — a consortium of Airbus Helicopters, Leonardo and Fokker — will receive a parallel radar upgrade, as the model returned to headlines after Norway settled a long-running availability dispute with the manufacturer. At the soldier level, the Bundeswehr will move forward with close to €760 million for new G95 assault rifles from Heckler & Koch, nearly €490 million for laser-light modules supplied by Rheinmetall Soldier Electronics, and about €140 million for headset-based communications systems produced by Rheinmetall Electronics with major subcontractors 3M and CeoTronics. And in a sign of Berlin’s effort to rebuild military logistics at scale, MPs will approve roughly €380 million for off-road military trucks from Mercedes-Benz and around €175 million for heavy tank-transport trailers built by DOLL. These contracts directly feed Germany’s defense-industrial base as Berlin pushes industry to deliver at wartime speed.

Poland and Romania both scrambled jets overnight in their airspaces in response to a Russian bombardment in western Ukraine, close to the borders of both NATO countries. Moscow unleashed a wave of drones and missiles on Ukraine overnight, targeting the western cities of Lviv and Ternopil. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said the strikes, which damaged residential apartment buildings far from the country’s eastern front line, killed nine people and injured dozens, with others possibly trapped under rubble. Warsaw’s operational command said in a post on X it had deployed “quick-reaction fighter pairs and an early warning aircraft” as a precaution, adding “ground-based air defence and radar surveillance systems” were at “the highest state of readiness.”  Polish authorities also shut two airports, Rzeszow and Lublin, in the southeast of the country amid Russia’s aerial assault.  Romania’s Defense Ministry, meanwhile, announced it had scrambled four jets — two German Eurofighter Typhoon fighter aircraft and two Romanian Air Force F-16s — shortly after midnight in response to a drone incursion about 5 miles into Romanian airspace.   Corneliu Pavel, the ministry’s spokesperson, told Romanian outlet Digi24 the jets had the green light to shoot down the drone but decided not to when its signal vanished.  Both countries’ operations involved NATO allies, with the Polish operational command thanking the alliance and fellow members Norway, Spain, the Netherlands and Germany for their assistance in monitoring Poland’s airspace.   Russia’s war in Ukraine has spilled over in recent days, with a Romanian village evacuated Monday when a gas tanker across the river in a Ukrainian port was set ablaze by a Russian strike.  A section of the train route between Warsaw and Lublin, which connects to Ukraine, was also blown up by saboteurs over the weekend, according to Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk.  Russia’s overnight assault on Ukraine also targeted Kyiv, Mykolaiv, Cherkasy, Chernihiv and Dnipro, Zelenskyy said, and he called on additional air support for Ukraine and more punishing sanctions on Moscow. “Every brazen attack against ordinary life proves that the pressure on Russia is still insufficient,” he warned.

For decades, the European Union ran on an unspoken understanding: Germany handled the money, France handled the military. Now, the tables are turning. As Germany aims to become Europe’s predominant military power, the political balance is shifting. In France, there’s a scramble to stay relevant, while in Poland, Germany’s rearmament is stirring old ghosts and creating a sense that a Berlin-Warsaw alliance might be the most effective way to keep Russia at bay. “Everywhere I go in the world, from the Baltics to Asia, people are asking Germany to take on more responsibility,” said Christoph Schmid, a German Social Democratic lawmaker on the Bundestag’s defense committee. “The expectation is that Germany will finally step up and match its economic weight with defense power.” A Germany with Europe’s largest army, equipped with cutting edge tanks, missiles and jets, is a far cry from the shambolic Bundeswehr derided for its low morale and outdated equipment. That military power is tied to political and economic heft — and Europe will have to adapt to a dominant Germany. By 2029, Germany is expected to spend €153 billion a year on defense. That’s about 3.5 percent of GDP, the country’s most ambitious military expansion since reunification. France, by comparison, plans to reach about €80 billion by 2030.  Poland aims to spend 186 billion złoty (€44 billion) on defense this year, equal to 4.7 percent of GDP — the highest level in NATO — and plans to have one of Europe’s largest and best-equipped militaries. The fiscal realities are changing, too. With Paris struggling with debt above 110 percent of GDP and a deficit north of 5 percent, Berlin’s borrowing power gives it freedom that its neighbors can only envy. Poland is also fighting to keep public spending under control, exacerbated by the explosion in defense spending. One EU official called the shift in Germany’s military potential “telluric,” or Earth-moving. Another diplomat put it more directly: “It’s the most important thing happening right now at EU level.” For Europe’s diplomats, that surge raises more than budgetary questions. It challenges the story the bloc has long told itself about who guards its security. And that question is making the rounds in Brussels, where officials are wondering how “European” Germany’s buildup will really be. BERLIN BUILDS BIG AND LOCAL One sign of the answer lies in procurement. Berlin remains deeply protective of its national prerogatives in defense.  It has resisted giving the European Commission a stronger hand in buying weapons and plans to rely heavily on national frameworks, including a new procurement law that will make systematic use of Article 346 of the EU treaty. This clause allows countries to bypass EU competition rules to favor domestic contracts. That Germany first approach is already taking shape. Internal procurement papers seen by POLITICO show Berlin preparing to push €83 billion in defense contracts through the Bundestag by the end of 2026. | Hesham Elsherif/Getty Images Internal procurement papers seen by POLITICO show Berlin preparing to push €83 billion in defense contracts through the Bundestag by the end of 2026. That’s an unprecedented surge touching every area of the armed forces, from tanks and frigates to drones, satellites and radar systems. And that’s only the opening phase. Behind it sits a much larger €377 billion Bundeswehr “wish list,” a long-term blueprint covering more than 320 new weapons programs across all military domains. Even more striking is where the billions will flow. According to the procurement plans, less than 10 percent of new contracts are going to U.S. suppliers — a reversal after years in which Berlin was one of Washington’s top defense customers. Nearly all the rest will stay in Europe, and much of it with Germany’s own defense industry. For Europe, that means the EU’s economic engine is becoming its defense-industrial one too, with Berlin channeling hundreds of billions into domestic production lines while France and southern countries remain fiscally constrained. FRANCE FEELS UNEASY That shift is being felt in Paris, where Germany’s rearmament is viewed with a mix of skepticism and concern. “In France, the defense apparatus is at the core of the system,” said one EU official. “The difference between Paris and Berlin is that in France any official is, at the end, a defense official.” Despite French President Emmanuel Macron’s push since 2017 to improve the Franco-German relationship, mistrust toward Berlin remains deeply rooted in French defense circles. “It’s halfway between vigilance and threat,” one French defense official told POLITICO. “It will be difficult to work with them because they will be extremely dominant,” the official said, adding that the main caveat is whether German Chancellor Friedrich Merz will manage to fill the Bundeswehr’s personnel gaps. However, Germany’s industrial and economic might is as much of a concern as the country’s rearmament, the official continued. “They won’t need to invade Alsace and Moselle,” they joked, referring to the French regions that Germany successfully invaded during its conquest of France in 1940. “They can just buy it.” Beyond the historical unease, French and European officials wonder what kind of geopolitical role Berlin under Merz’s leadership intends to play. “It’s unclear yet what Merz wants to do,” said one Paris-based European diplomat. “Germany will have to take on a broader role internationally, but it’s unclear how.” The latest friction over Europe’s next-generation fighter jet project — the Future Combat Air System, or FCAS — has only deepened the unease. The €100 billion program was meant to be the crown jewel of Franco-German-Spanish defense cooperation. But delays and squabbling over which country gets a larger share of the work are testing that partnership to the breaking point. In recent weeks, German defense officials have floated fallback options, exploring potential cooperation with Sweden or the U.K., or pressing ahead with Spain alone. That prospect is alarming Paris.  For France, FCAS is more of a political project than just another procurement project. It’s tied directly to its nuclear deterrent, a fundamental aspect of its claim to European military leadership. Éric Trappier, the CEO of Dassault Aviation, which is to play a leading role in FCAS, was blunt with French lawmakers: “I’m not against the project, but when Germany says it’s going to exclude France, doesn’t that bother you?” If Berlin spends big while teaming up mainly with Nordic and eastern allies, Paris risks losing the central role it has long enjoyed in Europe’s defense architecture. POLAND’S WARY APPROVAL However, not everyone sees Germany’s rearmament as a threat. In Warsaw, it’s viewed as both necessary and overdue. “Poland has become a shining beacon among NATO allies in terms of military spending,” said Marek Magierowski, a former Polish ambassador to Israel and the United States. “Consequently, we insist that other partners follow suit. But if we seriously care about collective defense, we cannot keep saying: ‘Please, everybody spend more on defense. But not you, Germany.’” A group of Polish officials who spoke with POLITICO expressed similar pragmatism. “They’re rowing in the right direction,” one said. “From our point of view, it could have been done earlier, but it’s good that it’s happening.” But the often bloody past casts a long shadow.  “Looking at history, a situation where Germany would link its economic power with military might has always raised fears,” said Paweł Zalewski, Poland’s deputy defense minister. “Today, Poland has the largest land army in Europe and will be a very strong player in the future, so the modernization plans of the Bundeswehr have to be taken in context. All European countries are rearming.” Zalewski pointed out that Germany’s buildup comes as Washington signals a drawdown of its European presence. “An increase in Germany’s military strength is a natural response,” he said. “The main countries defending the eastern flank will be Poland and Germany.” However, old memories die hard in Warsaw, both from the war and from the policy of economic co-dependence with Russia pursued by former Chancellor Angela Merkel. “We also remember Merkel’s pro-Russia stance,” Zalewski said. “We are calling on Germany to show how strongly it will defend the international order against Russia. There is a need for constant verification. We aren’t forgetting anything.” Magierowski reflected that concern. “I am more worried about trade ties between Germany and Russia, still quite vivacious, and the growing pressure in Berlin to return to business as usual after the war in Ukraine.” That softer line on Russia is most visible inside the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), now the country’s second-largest party. “When we think about the AfD and whether they could gain power or co-power in future German governments, this is a concern,” one Polish official said. “The AfD is pro-Putin and has a program that talks about regaining some Polish territory. We cannot open that discussion in Europe. The Second World War started because Germany was unhappy about the results of the First.” A SHIFTING CENTER OF GRAVITY Taken together, Germany’s rapid buildup and its partners’ mixed reactions highlight how Europe’s center of gravity is moving eastward. The continent’s economic powerhouse is now transforming into its military-industrial one, while France clings to its nuclear card and Poland grows into a conventional heavyweight on NATO’s eastern flank. In Brussels, that realignment poses a test: Can the EU channel this momentum into common structures, or will it deepen the bloc’s defense fragmentation? For now, Berlin’s buildup is seen as a return to responsibility rather than a bid for dominance. But even supporters admit the scale of the change is hard to grasp. “It could be frightening, no doubt,” said one EU diplomat. “But Germany has coalitions. It’s in the EU and NATO — and many things could happen in the meantime.”

The Romanian government vowed new measures against Moscow after fragments from a Russian drone strike on Ukraine landed on its territory overnight, the latest in a string of cross-border incidents. In a post on X, Romanian Foreign Minister Oana Toiu said the debris fell in an inhabited area following Russian strikes on Ukrainian commercial ports, calling the assault “another reckless attack on Ukraine with consequences on Romanian territory.” “These actions are part of a clear pattern in Russia’s war of aggression,” Toiu wrote. “We will not hesitate to increase the price Russia pays for such reckless and illegal actions.” According to a statement from Romania’s defense ministry, radar systems detected groups of drones near the country’s airspace during the night of November 10–11, prompting the preventive activation of air defense systems. Around one in the morning, authorities reported that a drone had crashed near the Romanian village of Grindu, about five kilometers south of the frontier with Ukraine. Due to poor weather conditions in the southeast, fighter jets on standby were unable to take off. Toiu added that Romania, the EU and the U.S. have already imposed sanctions with “important impact” on Russia and are now preparing additional measures to raise the cost of aggression.

Poland said it rapidly mobilized military aircraft early Sunday to secure its airspace after Russia launched airstrikes on Ukraine’s Lviv region near the Polish border. “Polish and allied aircraft are intensively operating in our airspace, while ground-based air defense and radar reconnaissance systems have reached the highest state of readiness,” said the Operational Command of the Polish Armed Forces. Ukrainian officials said the Russian strikes killed and at least four people in the Lyiv region and one person in the southeastern city of Zaporizhzhia. The mayor of Lviv said public transport routes were not operating due to a “massive enemy attack,” which had also caused a partial electricity outage in the region. “Russia targeted residential areas with drones and aerial bombs. Across all affected areas, residential buildings and critical infrastructure were damaged,” Ukraine’s Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko said on X. It was just the latest instance of Poland scrambling fighter planes to protect its airspace amid Moscow’s attacks on Ukraine. In early September, Poland shot down Russian drones that forced the closure of the Warsaw airport as Russian President Vladimir Putin appeared to be testing NATO’s defense capabilities. Since then, eastern-flank members of NATO have been on high alert. Denmark had to close its airspace last week after drone activity was detected around Skrydstrup Air Base.

The French and Swedish militaries will help fortify Copenhagen against aerial threats as European leaders converge on the city for two crunch summits this week. Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson announced Monday his government had deployed “the Swedish Armed Forces to support Denmark with military anti-drone capabilities in connection with this week’s summits in Copenhagen,” including a specialized unit that will embed with the Danish military. Stockholm would also “lend a handful of powerful radar systems to Denmark for a period of time,” he added. Denmark was rattled by a wave of drone sightings at major airports and military air bases last week, disrupting air traffic and stranding thousands of passengers. Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen said the airspace breaches amounted to “hybrid war” and hinted Russia was responsible. The incidents, which occurred ahead of Wednesday’s European Council meeting in Copenhagen to discuss defense and Ukraine, led the Danish authorities to take the dramatic step of closing the country’s airspace to civilian drones. France said Monday it had also sent its armed forces to shore up Copenhagen’s defenses. Paris deployed “35 personnel, a FENNEC helicopter, and active counter-drone assets” to Denmark “in response to the recent upsurge in unidentified drone flights in Danish airspace,” the French defense ministry said in a statement, adding the drones were a “serious threat.” In addition, a German frigate — the FSG Hamburg — arrived in Copenhagen over the weekend to assist with airspace surveillance. Along with Wednesday’s summit, Copenhagen will host the European Political Community on Thursday, bringing together leaders from across the continent.

Poland scrambled fighter jets and temporarily closed its airspace on Sunday after a Russian attack on Ukraine that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said lasted for more than 12 hours. Polish radar reconnaissance systems were put on the highest level of alert, Poland’s military posted on X, and NATO F-35 jets patrolled the skies until the attack ended. There were no airspace violations, the military said. The scrambling of jets and airspace closures are becoming more frequent as multiple NATO countries report drone sightings and other incursions. Three Russian drones were shot down in Poland’s airspace earlier this month. And Denmark reported fresh drone sightings above defense sites on Friday and Saturday, after a wave of drone activity earlier in the week temporarily shut down major Danish airports. The Russian attack early Sunday included nearly 500 attack drones and more than 40 missiles, including the Iranian-Russian Shahed drones, Zelenskyy said. Dozens were wounded in the strikes and among the dead was a 12-year-old girl, he said. “The massive Russian attack on Ukraine lasted for more than 12 hours,” Zelenskky said. “Brutal strikes, deliberate and targeted terror against ordinary cities,” he said. More than 15 locations in the capital were damaged, including multi-story resident buildings, “in particular in the Solomenskyi district,” Timur Tkachenko, the head of Kyiv’s military administration, said in a post on Telegram. The attacks came just hours after Zelenskyy warned Europe that the recent increased drone activity and airspace incursions are a sign that Russian President Vladimir Putin would not stop with Ukraine. “Putin will not wait to finish his war in Ukraine. He will open up some other direction. Nobody knows where,” Zelenskyy said. At the United Nations General Assembly in New York on Saturday, Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said his country has no intention of attacking EU or NATO countries. But Moscow will respond with a “decisive response” to any aggression directed toward Russia, he said.