FRANKFURT — No one saw this coming. Eurozone finance ministers on Monday picked Croatia’s central bank governor, Boris Vujčić, as the European Central Bank’s next vice president — defying all expectations and the European Parliament’s calls for someone else. Ministers chose Vujčić over his Finnish counterpart Olli Rehn, the favorite to win, in the third and final round of voting after seeing off other heavyweight contenders in Portugal’s Mário Centeno and Latvia’s Mārtiņš Kazāks — the Parliament’s preferred picks for the job. Estonia’s Madis Müller and Lithuania’s Rimantas Šadžius lost out in the first round. At a time when the U.S. administration is putting extreme pressure on the Federal Reserve to lower interest rates, the choice of Vujčić — a technocrat with no obvious partisan backing — is a strong signal of the EU’s desire to keep the ECB independent of direct political influence. Barring any last-minute surprises, EU leaders will formally present Vujčić to succeed incumbent Vice President Luis de Guindos when the Spaniard ends his eight-year term on May 31. “Crazy,” was all one diplomat could muster after the vote. Others were more understanding. “He is the most senior central banker of them all,” a second said on the condition of anonymity. Vujčić needed 16 votes from ministers who represent 65 percent of the eurozone’s population, meaning he had the support of the euroclub’s largest members to clinch victory. Germany, France and Spain will all have been thinking strategically ahead of Monday’s vote, which kicks off a game of musical chairs for a place at the ECB’s coveted six-person Executive Board over the next two years. The vice presidency is the first of four board vacancies, including the presidency, that will come up in that time. All are important positions for the eurozone’s biggest economic powerhouses. By tapping Vujčić for the no. 2 job, capitals have kept the playing field wide open — especially when it comes to finding a successor for ECB President Christine Lagarde once her term ends on Oct. 31, 2027. Vujčić now faces an awkward hearing in Parliament, whose non-binding preference for the post was completely ignored by finance ministers. The 61-year-old will need to bring Parliament onside to avoid MEPs voting against his victory in a symbolic, but politically embarrassing, ballot — a similar fate to when Luxembourg’s governor, Yves Mersch, joined the ECB’s highest echelon in 2012. DARK HORSE Vujčić has vast experience as a central banker, having led the Croatian National Bank since 2012, and is highly regarded among fellow rate-setters. But his appointment will still come as a massive surprise to ECB watchers who have long bet on Rehn. Rehn’s dual experience in Brussels politics and monetary policy had widely been seen as giving him an edge over his five rivals. Croatia’s chances were seen as slim from the outset, as it only joined the eurozone in 2023, placing it toward the back of the queue for a seat at the Executive Board. None of the three Baltic states, which adopted the euro roughly a decade earlier than Croatia, have yet had a representative serve on the Board. While generally considered a moderate hawk, Vujčić defies the usual northern-hawk-versus-southern-dove classification that has historically dominated debates when politicians haggle over coveted positions at the ECB. His appointment is thus unlikely to change the probability of either a northern heavyweight such as Germany or the Netherlands, or a southern contender such as Spain, securing the presidency. Current front-runners for the top job include former Dutch central bank chief Klaas Knot and Bank for International Settlements head Pablo Hernández de Cos. But in European politics, two years is an eternity. Lagarde herself only emerged as a serious candidate late in the process to name a successor for Mario Draghi, showing how fast the ECB’s leadership race can turn.

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music Die SPD ringt sichtbar mit ihrem Führungsanspruch. Parteichefin und Arbeitsministerin Bärbel Bas schließt eine Kanzlerkandidatur 2029 für sich schon mal aus und löst damit Zweifel an Ambition, Rollenverständnis und strategischer Orientierung der Sozialdemokratie aus. Gordon Repinski analysiert, warum diese Aussage keine persönliche Zurückhaltung  ist und was sie über den aktuellen Zustand der SPD sagt. Im 200-Sekunden-Interview stellt sich der Parlamentarische Geschäftsführer der SPD-Fraktion Dirk Wiese den Fragen nach Richtung und Selbstverständnis seiner Partei. Es geht um Bürgergeld, Reformen, Sanktionen, Rentenfragen, die Energiepreise und um darum, ob die SPD noch auf Sieg spielt oder sich mit Verwaltung begnügt. Danach der Blick nach Sachsen-Anhalt. Beim IHK-Neujahrsempfang in Halle sendet Kanzler Friedrich Merz wirtschaftspolitische Signale, die in der Koalition noch für Diskussionen sorgen werden. Rasmus Buchsteiner ordnet ein, warum Merz dort über längeres Arbeiten, Steuerpolitik und das Heizungsgesetz spricht und wie groß die Nervosität der CDU mit Blick auf die starke AfD ist. Und: Donald Trumps Ansprüche auf Grönland lösen weitere Sorgen aus in Dänemark, aber auch für unerwartete wirtschaftliche Effekte mit einer ironischen Note. Den Spaziergang mit Ulrich Siegmund findet ihr zum Nachhören hier und das 200-Sekunden-Interview mit Sven Schulze zum Unvereinbarkeitsbeschluss hier. Die Machthaber-Folge, in der wir Giorgia Meloni porträtiert haben, gibt es hier.  Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren. Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski: Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski. POLITICO Deutschland – ein Angebot der Axel Springer Deutschland GmbH Axel-Springer-Straße 65, 10888 Berlin Tel: +49 (30) 2591 0 information@axelspringer.de Sitz: Amtsgericht Berlin-Charlottenburg, HRB 196159 B USt-IdNr: DE 214 852 390 Geschäftsführer: Carolin Hulshoff Pol, Mathias Sanchez Luna

Croatia, Estonia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania and Portugal will face off for the European Central Bank’s No. 2 job, according to a statement from the Council of the EU. The crowded race for the vice presidency kickstarts a wider battle for a seat on the ECB’s coveted six-person executive board, the eurozone’s most powerful forum for economic and monetary policy. Four of the seats, including the presidency itself, will become vacant over the next two years. Competition will be fierce, as the eurozone’s largest economies will seek to maintain their influence on the board, leaving smaller countries with fewer seats to fight over. Eurozone finance ministers are set to pick the winner behind closed doors in a secret ballot when they meet in Brussels for this month’s Eurogroup meeting on Jan. 19. The winner will need at least 16 votes from the 21 ministers, representing around 65 percent of the eurozone’s population. Eurozone leaders formally propose the candidate to succeed the outgoing vice president, Luis de Guindos, whose eight-year term ends on May 31. The European Parliament and the ECB are entitled to an opinion about the final pick. Northern European applicants make up the bulk of the contenders, with Finland’s central banker, Olli Rehn, facing competition from Baltic neighbors. These include his central banking peers, Estonia’s Madis Müller and Latvia’s Mārtiņš Kazāks. Lithuania’s former finance minister, Rimantas Šadžius, completes the Baltic round-up. The other two applicants come from Southern Europe: Portugal’s ex-Eurogroup president, Mário Centeno, and the Croatian central bank governor, Boris Vujčić. The candidates are tentatively scheduled to face questions from MEPs behind closed doors before finance ministers meet on Jan. 19.

ATHENS — The country that almost got kicked out of the eurozone is now running the powerful EU body that rescued it from bankruptcy. Greece’s finance minister, Kyriakos Pierrakakis, on Thursday beat Belgian Deputy Prime Minister Vincent Van Peteghem in a two-horse race for the Eurogroup presidency. Although an informal forum for eurozone finance ministers, the post has proved pivotal in overcoming crises — notably the sovereign debt crisis, which resulted in three bailouts of the Greek government. That was 10 years ago, when Pierrakakis’ predecessor described the Eurogroup as a place fit only for psychopaths. Today, Athens presents itself as a poster child of fiscal prudence after dramatically reducing its debt pile to around 147 percent of its economic output — albeit still the highest tally in the eurozone. “My generation was shaped by an existential crisis that revealed the power of resilience, the cost of complacency, the necessity of reform, and the strategic importance of European solidarity,” Pierrakakis wrote in his motivational letter for the job. “Our story is not only national; it is deeply European.” Few diplomats initially expected the 42-year-old computer scientist and political economist to win the race to lead the Eurogroup after incumbent Paschal Donohoe’s shock resignation last month. Belgium’s Van Peteghem could boast more experience and held a great deal of respect within the eurozone, setting him up as the early favorite to win. But Belgium’s continued reluctance to back the European Commission’s bid to use the cash value of frozen Russian assets to finance a €165 billion reparations loan to Ukraine ultimately contributed to Van Peteghem’s defeat. NOT TYPICAL Pierrakakis isn’t a typical member of the center-right ruling New Democracy party, which belongs to the European People’s Party. His political background is a socialist one, having served as an advisor to the centre-left PASOK party from 2009, when Greece plunged into financial crisis. He was even one of the Greek technocrats negotiating with the country’s creditors. The Harvard and MIT graduate joined New Democracy to support Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ bid for the party leadership in 2015, because he felt that they shared a political vision. Pierrakakis got his big political break when New Democracy won the national election in 2019, after four years of serving as a director of the research and policy institute diaNEOsis. He was named minister of digital governance, overseeing Greece’s efforts to modernize the country’s creaking bureaucracy, adopting digital solutions for everything from Cabinet meetings to medical prescriptions. Those efforts made him one of the most popular ministers in the Greek cabinet — so much so that Pierrakakis is often touted as Mitsotakis’ likely successor for the party leadership in the Greek press. Few diplomats initially expected the 42-year-old computer scientist and political economist to win the race to lead the Eurogroup after incumbent Paschal Donohoe’s shock resignation last month. | Nicolas Economou/Getty Images After the re-election of New Democracy in 2023, Pierrakakis took over the Education Ministry, where he backed controversial legislation that paved the way for the establishment of private universities in Greece. A Cabinet reshuffle in March placed him within the finance ministry, where he has sped up plans to pay down Greece’s debt to creditors and pledged to bring the country’s debt below 120 percent of GDP before 2030.

BRUSSELS — The European Commission on Tuesday slapped a red flag on Finland for spending too much and warned others to tighten their belts to avoid getting the same treatment.  The EU executive unveiled the full list of countries that are overspending, as part of the Commission’s biannual “European Semester” that checks whether governments are within the EU’s rules for public spending.  Red flags, known as excessive deficit procedures (EDPs), signal concerns about countries’ financial health to investors. Brussels can impose a fine if governments refuse to adopt measures to bring their finances back in line. Brussels reintroduced the EU’s rules for public spending last year after the Commission gave capitals free license during the pandemic, which plunged the EU’s economy into the worst recession since the Second World War. While the bloc’s economy has picked up this year, many governments are struggling to comply with the EU’s rules amid trade tensions with the U.S. and mounting defense budgets to deter Russian aggression. One of the countries on Russia’s doorstep, Finland, was reprimanded for exceeding the EU’s cap on budget deficits, which limits how much a country can spend beyond what it collects in taxes.  Economy Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis. | Thierry Monasse/Getty Images The rules limit the deficit to 3 percent of a country’s economic output. Recent tweaks to the rules allow governments to spend an additional 1.5 percent of GDP on defense. But the numbers still don’t add up for Helsinki. “The deficit in excess of 3 percent of GDP is not fully explained by the increase in defense spending alone,” Economy Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis told reporters in Strasbourg. Germany narrowly avoided the same punishment. Separately, the Commission checked whether governments’ expected spending in 2026 complies with their five or seven-year plans that were approved by Brussels. So far, Croatia, Lithuania, Slovenia, Spain, Bulgaria, Hungary, the Netherlands, and Malta aren’t doing enough. Failure to act could see Brussels reprimand the eight countries at the next European Semester in June.  POLITICO took a deeper look at some of the key countries and graded their current performances. FINLAND: E The Nordic state got a slap on the wrist from Brussels as its deficit is set to exceed the EU’s limit for the next two years. Once a paragon of fiscal stability, Finland is now in the same EDP basket as the indebted nations of France, Italy, and Belgium. As a result, Helsinki will have to reduce the deficit. That’s a tall order for a country facing overstretched social and health budgets, as well as a ballooning defense bill. ROMANIA: D+ Romania can breathe a sigh of relief after today’s announcement. Dombrovskis praised the country’s recent economic reforms and ruled out triggering the nuclear option — a suspension of the country’s payouts from the EU budget, which are worth billions.  But the country is not out of the woods. At 8.4 percent of GDP, its 2025 deficit remains by far the highest in the EU, and painful domestic reforms will be required to reduce it significantly in the years to come. GERMANY: C The country’s budget deficit is expected to reach 3.1 percent of GDP this year. That’s technically a breach of the rules. But Brussels refrained from punishing the bloc’s economic powerhouse, because the breach is “fully explained by the increase in defense spending,” the Commission said in a statement. But there is trouble ahead. Germany plans to continue its spending spree next year to juice growth, only curbing expenditure later. That won’t be easy, as China threatens the country’s export-driven economy and Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s grand coalition needs to deliver reforms to revive growth. Berlin is taking a huge gamble. Brussels too. FRANCE: C- France is in the middle of a budget crisis and is not even sure that it will manage to adopt the 2026 budget by the end of this year. That doesn’t seem to worry Brussels too much for the time being, especially considering that France received its EDP red flag in 2023. The Commission found that the French budget plans for next year are compliant with its recommendations and encouraged Paris to continue on this path.  But not even France’s prime minister knows what his budget for next year will look like. Sébastien Lecornu has pledged to bring the deficit down to 5 percent of GDP. But that goal is at risk, as contradictory amendments to the draft budget in parliament undermine the chances of a deal before Christmas. HUNGARY: F  Hungary is facing a worrying situation because it’s not making the necessary cuts in 2026 to exit the EDP. For now, the Commission has merely warned Hungary to cut spending in 2026. But if Budapest ignores such calls, Brussels might threaten to issue fines during its next budget review in Spring. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is unlikely to heed Brussels’ calls as the country is heading to the polls next spring and he faces the risk of losing power after almost a decade.  ITALY: B- Has Europe’s perennial fiscal bad boy turned good? That’s what it looks like, with Italy’s deficit set to fall to 2.6 percent of GDP next year, while government spending is forecast to stay below the limits imposed by the EU’s fiscal rules. That puts it on track to exit its EDP, if it can prove that debt is set to trend lower in the long term. Other good news: Rome’s tax take is trending above economic growth, helping to fill its coffers and pay down debt.  It’s not all good news. Italy remains the second-most indebted country in the EU. That isn’t changing next year, with government debt expected to increase to 137.9 percent of GDP. But any positive change is welcome, especially when it’s the class clown who is finally hitting the books.

It’s the political battle of the year: Germany vs. Brazil! German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said he and his nation’s press were oh-so happy to return home from U.N. climate talks in Belém, Brazil, in remarks that triggered a political firestorm. “We live in one of the most beautiful countries in the world. Last week I asked some journalists who were with me in Brazil: Which of you would like to stay here? No one raised their hand,” Merz said upon returning from Brazil. “They were all happy that, above all, we returned from this place to Germany.” Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva didn’t take that slight lying down. “He should have gone dancing in Pará,” Lula said about the state where Belém is situated. “He should have tasted Pará’s cuisine. Because he would have realized that Berlin doesn’t offer him 10 percent of the quality that the state of Pará offers.” But which is the better country? POLITICO took (an entirely unscientific) look at five key areas to see whether it’s Berlin or Rio de Janeiro, Beckenbauer or Pelé, and currywurst or feijoada that ultimately comes out on top. FOOD AND DRINK Vegetarians are the biggest losers here. Germany’s meat-driven cuisine is known for Sauerbraten, a heavily marinated dish usually made with beef and served with Knödel (potato dumplings, since you asked). They’ve also got Currywurst (sliced sausage covered in ketchup and curry powder) and Schnitzel (a thin, breaded slice of fried meat), along with countless ways to prepare potatoes, and also breads. Don’t forget the breads. Would you rather go for a Schnitzel with beer or a feijoada with fresh orange juice? | Ferdinand Knapp/POLITICO Brazil’s cuisine is, somehow, even more meat-heavy. Brazilians love a good churrasco (barbecue) and their daily feijoada (a stew of black beans with pork and beef, served with white rice). The South American country also offers a dazzling array of fresh juices, made from tropical fruits most tourists have never heard of — and, of course, delicious Caipirinhas if you’re looking for something with a bit more punch. Germany can match that, however, with its world-renowned beer culture (more on that later). On the dessert front, German cakes are great, but Brazil’s açai bowls — a dish made of frozen and mashed fruit of the açai palm — have made it to European stores and hipster brunch cafés. It’s a narrow win for Brazil, but they do lose points for putting banana and chocolate on pizza. Brazil: 8 out of 10 Germany: 6 out of 10 SPORTS Brazil and Germany are two of international football’s heaviest hitters, and the Seleçao edges Die Mannschaft in the number of FIFA Men’s World Cups won, by 5 to 4. Brazil also beat Germany 2-0 in the 2002 World Cup final in Japan. But (and it’s a big but) in the 2014 World Cup semifinal, Germany crushed Brazil 7-1 at home in Belo Horizonte. The game was a major embarrassment for Brazil, and the national football team has arguably never recovered. After decades of iconic Brazilian players, from Pelé to Jairzinho to Sócrates to Zico to Romário to Ronaldo to Ronaldinho, the talent pipeline has run somewhat dry. Germany has produced some iconic players of its own — see Gerd Müller, Franz Beckenbauer, Lothar Matthäus and Manuel Neuer — but Brazil edges it here. Germany has also won two Women’s World Cups, to Brazil’s zero. While the countries don’t directly face off too often in other sports, two of the most legendary drivers in Formula One history — Ayrton Senna and Michael Schumacher — hail from Brazil and Germany, respectively. World famous Maracanã Stadium in March 2014, just months before the World Cup in Brazil. | Ferdinand Knapp/POLITICO Senna won three world championships before his untimely death in a crash in 1994, while Schumacher won seven titles before retiring in 2012. He suffered a serious brain injury in a skiing accident in 2013 and has been in private treatment ever since. On the tennis court, German stars Steffi Graf and Boris Becker won a combined 28 individual grand slam titles, which dwarfs the three won by Brazil’s best-ever player, Gustavo Kuerten. Brazil: 8.5 out of 10 Germany: 9 out of 10 CULTURE In the battle of the carnivals, Rio de Janeiro has the clear advantage over Cologne, not just in terms of the number of participants and visitors, but also in that you’re unlikely to have to wear your winter coat under your colorful costume in Rio. Brazil’s northeastern city of Salvador also boasts of having the world’s largest street carnival. However, carnival is important in both countries and is even dubbed “the fifth season” in Germany. Germany scores strongly because of Oktoberfest, which is of course mostly held in September (who said German efficiency was a myth?) and is the biggest celebration of beer, sausages (and flatulence) on the planet. It also gives us the annual sight of the chancellor raising aloft a massive festbier. In the battle of the carnivals, Rio de Janeiro has the clear advantage. | Ferdinand Knapp/POLITICO Not to be outdone, Brazil has its own Oktoberfest in Blumenau, a city in Santa Catarina state. Local authorities say it’s the second-biggest Oktoberfest in the world. Don’t forget Germany’s famous Christmas markets, although the impact has been dulled by the fact that you can now find them across Europe. Brazil: 9 out of 10 Germany: 7 out of 10 ECONOMY The shine has faded off what was once Europe’s superstar economy. Germany’s famed industry has been battered by the twin shocks of soaring energy prices in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and China’s turn toward high-tech manufacturing. The Asian country, Germany’s largest trading partner, is increasingly becoming a competitor and was the world’s largest exporter of cars in 2023. As a result, the German economy has barely grown since 2020, making it the worst-performing major economy in the EU. Brazil shines by comparison, having registered brisk growth of around 3 percent the last two years, and this year gross domestic product is expected to expand by around 2.2 percent. The South American country is an agricultural powerhouse and the world’s largest exporter of soybeans. It also holds the distinction of being one of the few developing countries to grow a domestic aerospace industry, with the world’s third-largest civilian airplane maker, Embraer. Brazil: 6 out of 10 Germany: 2 out of 10 NATURE Germany has diverse landscapes, from the pine woods of the flat north to the famous picture-postcard Black Forest in the hilly south. Brave tourists can take a swim in the (always refreshing!) North and Baltic Seas or hike and ski in the beautiful Alps. But none of this can match the biodiversity of Brazil’s massive Amazon rainforest (often called the “lungs of the world”) and the coast’s long, panoramic sandy beaches. And don’t forget Iguazu, the largest waterfall system in the world. The vibrating city of Rio de Janeiro alone combines natural contrasts you won’t find in Germany: The world-famous Copacabana and Ipanema beaches and the lush rainforest of Tijuca National Park are right next to each other, with Christ the Redeemer rising from the hills as Brazil’s iconic landmark. Brazil: 10 out of 10 Germany: 7 out of 10 Starnberg Lake in Bavaria, Germany | Ferdinand Knapp/POLITICO FINAL SCORE Brazil: 41.5 out of 50 Germany: 31 out of 50 It’s official (sort of), Brazil is better than Germany! Perhaps Merz should take Lula’s advice and go back so he can appreciate more of what Brazil has to offer.

BRUSSELS — The EU’s economy is set to expand by 1.4 percent this year, driven in large part by Poland’s and Spain’s growth. That’s according to the European Commission’s forecasts, presented on Monday. Outperforming most European countries, Warsaw and Madrid are set to grow by 3.2 percent and 2.9 percent in 2025. The EU’s economic outlook is a slight improvement from last spring’s forecast at 1.1 percent. The Commission expects the bloc’s economy to continue growing at a rate of 1.4 percent next year, despite the U.S.’ slapping 15 percent tariffs on European exports. In further good news, the unemployment rate is set to remain below 6 percent through 2027, while inflation will shrink to 2.2 percent within the same time period. Economy Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis urged the bloc to capitalize on the momentum. “Now, given the challenging external context, the EU must take resolute action to unlock domestic growth,” such as “simplifying regulation, completing the Single Market, and boosting innovation,” Dombrovskis said in a statement. In a striking reversal, the poster boys of the eurozone crisis — Portugal, Greece, Cyprus, Ireland, and Spain — are set to outperform countries such as Germany, Finland, and Austria that were once seen as economic models. In a worrying sign for Europe, its three largest economies — Germany, France, and Italy — are set to experience weak growth over the coming years. Once the engine of European growth, Germany is set to expand by 0.2 percent in 2025 and 1.2 percent in 2026 and 2027. Italy is estimated to grow at an even more sluggish pace — 0.4 percent in 2025 and 0.8 percent in 2026 and 2027 — despite being the main beneficiary of the EU’s post-COVID recovery program. This stands in contrast to the strong economic growth in 2025 in Southern and Eastern countries such as Malta (4 percent), Bulgaria (3 percent), Lithuania (2.4 percent) and Croatia (3.2 percent).

VIENNA — Donald Trump’s trade war has been less damaging for Europe’s economy than widely feared, and there is a hope that a stable recovery is underway, European Central Bank governing council member Martin Kocher said.  “We have not seen the strong reduction in growth rates and the inflationary effects of the trade conflicts that were anticipated in March and April,” the Austrian National Bank governor told POLITICO in an interview on Wednesday. On the same day that a closely-watched business survey pointed to an unexpected and marked pickup in activity in October, Kocher suggested there were emerging signs of an economic pickup. Kocher, who served as economy minister before joining the central bank in September, nonetheless warned against complacency. “I don’t want to sugarcoat what we are seeing,” he said. “This is the highest level of tariffs since the 1930s, and there will be effects on the world economy.” The impact on the eurozone will be exceptionally difficult to predict because we have not experienced anything similar in nearly 100 years, Kocher said, adding that this was the primary reason for diverging views about the ideal monetary policy path ahead on the ECB’s governing council. Falling inflation has allowed the ECB to cut its key deposit rate eight times since the middle of last year, bringing it down from a record-high 4 percent to 2 percent currently — a level that the Bank says is no longer restricting the economy. A behavioral economist rather than a monetary one, Kocher is one of the newest faces on the governing council, having succeeded Robert Holzmann earlier this year. Most analysts expect a more moderate approach from him than from the veteran hawk Holzmann, who was often the lone dissenter on the rate-setting body. The governor’s office leaves no doubt there is a change in style underfoot — the wooden desk replaced by a modern, height-adjustable table and new, colorful paintings by Austrian artists Wolfgang Hollegha and Hans Staudacher on the wall. While policymakers unanimously agreed to keep interest rates on hold last week, ECB President Christine Lagarde revealed that “there are different positions and different views” on whether the Bank may yet have to cut them one more time. “The difficulty is to assess whether most of the effects of the trade conflicts have already materialized or whether we will see them trickle down in the economy over the next couple of months and perhaps even years,” he said. “I’m convinced that we’ll see more effects over time. But whether they will be overall inflationary, or rather disinflationary in the euro area, is difficult to tell.” RISKY OUTLOOK Kocher explained it’s reasonable to expect deflationary pressure from the rerouting of trade from China to Europe that was flowing to the U.S. before the trade conflict began, but it’s equally plausible that geopolitical conflicts may hamper supply chains and boost prices. And things can change very fast. “Last week’s APEC summit with some interim agreement between the U.S. and China might have changed the outlook again,” he noted. While policymakers unanimously agreed to keep interest rates on hold last week, ECB President Christine Lagarde revealed that “there are different positions and different views” on whether the Bank may yet have to cut them one more time. | Nikolay Doychinov/AFP via Getty Images At the summit, the U.S. and China committed to lowering the temperature in their trade and tech rivalry. The so-called “Gyeongju Declaration” called for “robust trade and investment” and committed leaders to deepen economic cooperation. In this environment, “we have to wait and see to what extent [risks] materialize” as it’s difficult to take rate decisions “primarily based on the risk outlook,” Kocher said. As things stand, he said, the ECB would need to “see some risk materializing that would reduce … the GDP projection to a significant extent, and that would lead perhaps to some disinflationary effects” before it discussed cutting again. The governing council next meets in December, when a new set of forecasts will include estimates for growth and inflation in 2028 for the first time. Kocher warned against placing too much emphasis on the 2028 numbers, which many economists and investors focus on as an indication of whether the Bank is on track to meet its medium-term inflation target. While the forecast will offer more certainty about the outlook for 2026 and 2027, that for 2028 will be little more than “indicative,” he argued. “You always have to take projections with a grain of salt. And the further away the projection horizon, the larger the grain of salt.” GREEN BATTLE CONTINUES Kocher was speaking on the day that a majority of the EU’s 27 governments decided to water down their collective target for pollution reduction, seen by many as a sign that political momentum has swung after half a decade of green victories on climate policy. But Kocher fiercely defended the ECB’s commitment to green central banking. “Whatever is decided today, there’s no significant change in the targets of the European Union to become climate neutral in the near future,” Kocher said. And so long as it does not interfere with the ECB’s inflation-targeting mandate, the ECB has the “freedom” to support those objectives. He said the governing council had reaffirmed the view, even in the last couple of months, that it is essential to take climate risks into account in its projections, citing the massive impact that extreme weather events can have on growth and inflation. In contrast to his predecessor, Kocher also backs the inclusion of a climate criterion in the Bank’s collateral framework, a step that could one day make it more expensive for polluting companies than for green ones to borrow money. Critics of green central banking have argued that it is up to elected politicians, rather than central bankers, to create incentives for green business. But Kocher, a former downhill racer who has seen Austria’s key tourism sector struggle with an ever-shorter ski season, is unconcerned. “As long as it does not create a trade-off with our inflation target, I am perfectly fine with it,” he said.

Andrea Dugo is an economist at the European Centre for International Political Economy. In the late 1400s, Italy was the jewel of Europe. Venice ruled the seas; Florence dominated art and finance; and Milan led in trade and technology. No corner of the Western world was more advanced. Yet, within decades, both its political independence and economic primacy were gone. Europe today risks a similar fate. Once the envy of the world, the bloc’s lead has eroded. The EU isn’t just politically divided, it’s also falling behind in industries that will define the rest of this century. Young talent is fleeing for the U.S. and Asia, while its economy increasingly resembles an open-air museum of past achievements. Whether in growth, technology, industry or living standards, Europe is in jeopardy of becoming a province in a world defined by others. And it stands to learn from Italy’s decline. The warning signs are unmistakable: Since 2008, the EU’s GDP expanded by just 18 percent, while the U.S. grew twice as fast and China grew nearly three times bigger. Tourism across the continent is still booming, of course, but the millions chasing their Instagram-able escapes aren’t enough to offset stagnation, and also bring costs. The bloc’s fall in living standards echoes Renaissance Italy as well. Around 1450, Italy’s income per person was 50 percent higher than Holland’s. A century later, the Dutch were 15 percent richer, and by 1650, they were nearly twice as rich. Modern Europe is slipping even faster than that. In 1995, Germany’s GDP per capita was 10 percent higher than America’s, whereas today, the U.S. is 60 percent higher. At this pace, Germany’s prosperity levels could shrink to a third of its transatlantic partner’s within a generation. Much like in Renaissance Italy, this economic malaise reflects a deep technology gap. Once the queen of the seas, Venice clung to old technology and paid the price. Its galleys, superb in calm Mediterranean waters, were no match for the ocean-going caravels that carried Spain and Portugal across the world. Modern Europe is now doing the same: On artificial intelligence, the EU invests barely 4 percent of what the U.S. does. Today, OpenAI is valued at $500 billion, while Europe’s biggest AI startup Mistral is worth just $15 billion. And though it pioneered the science in quantum, Europe trails behind in commercialization — a single U.S. startup, IonQ, raised more capital than all the bloc’s quantum firms combined. Even when it comes to batteries, Sweden’s much-touted Northvolt collapsed in March, only to be snapped up by a Silicon Valley startup. Traditional industries are faltering too. Taken together, Germany’s top three carmakers are worth just an eighth of Tesla. Ericsson and Nokia, once world leaders in mobile network technology, lag behind Asian rivals in 5G. And France’s Arianespace, once dominant in satellite launches, now hitches rides on tech billionaire Elon Musk’s rockets. The problem isn’t invention, though — it’s scale. Despite its top engineers and universities, nearly 30 percent of the bloc’s unicorns have transferred to the U.S. since 2008, taking its most entrepreneurial spirits with them. It seems the continent sparks ideas, while America fuels them and profits — yet another pattern that mirrors Italy, which supplied talent as others built empires. Its greatest explorers like Columbus, Cabot, Vespucci and Verrazzano had also trained at home, only to sail under foreign flags. The prescriptions are known. Former Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi detailed them in his report on the EU’s future. | Thierry Monasse/Getty Images The fundamental issue in both cases is political. Like Italy’s warring city-states in the 1500s, today’s Europe is divided and feeble. Capitals quarrel over energy, debt, migration and industrial policy; a common defense strategy remains only an aspiration; and ambitious plans for joint technology spending or deeper capital markets get drowned in debate. This disunity is what doomed Italy as it fell prey to foreign powers that eventually carved up the peninsula. And the bloc’s current divisions leave it similarly vulnerable to global competitors, as Washington dictates defense; Russia menaces the continent’s east; China dominates supply chains; and Silicon Valley rules the digital economy. But is this all fated? Not necessarily. The EU has built institutions Renaissance Italy could never have dreamed of: a single market, a currency, a parliament. It still hosts world-class research institutions and excels in advanced manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, aerospace, green energy and design. The continent can still lead — but only if it acts. Sixteenth-century Italy had no such chance. Geography trapped it in the Mediterranean while trade routes shifted to the Atlantic, and commerce stagnated. New naval technologies left its fleets behind, and its brightest minds sought their fortunes abroad. But Europe faces no such limit. Nothing is stopping it other than its own political timidity and fractiousness. The bloc needs to accept costs now in order to avoid the greatest of costs later: irrelevance. It needs to invest heavily in frontier technologies like AI, quantum, space and biotech, while also building real defense and creating deep capital markets so that start-ups can scale up at home. The prescriptions are known. Former Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi detailed them in his report on the EU’s future. What’s missing is political will. Once Europe’s beating heart, Italy eventually became a land of visitors rather than innovators. And history’s lesson is clear: Its culture endured, but its power withered. The EU still has time to avoid that destiny. Europeans can either wake up or resign themselves to becoming a continent of monuments and echoing memories.

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