European consumer group Euroconsumers along with Football Supporters Europe have
filed a complaint with the European Commission accusing FIFA of abusing its
monopoly over World Cup ticket sales to impose excessive prices and unfair
conditions on fans.
The complaint, obtained by POLITICO, alleges breaches of Article 102 of the
Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which prohibits abuses of a
dominant market position.
“FIFA has a complete monopoly over World Cup ticket sales,” said Romane
Armangau, a spokesperson for Euroconsumers. “They are using that power to charge
prices that would not exist in a normal competitive market, while hiding
information from buyers and manipulating them into rushed decisions.”
The groups point to a range of alleged abusive practices, including limited
transparency on ticket categories and seat allocation, a “variable pricing”
system that can push prices higher over time, and the actual scarcity of tickets
advertised from $60.
“When you buy that ticket, you don’t actually know what you’re buying,” Armangau
said.
“It means attending the 2026 World Cup has become financially out of reach for
most ordinary supporters,” she added, pointing to tickets to the final that now
start at more than $4,000.
Fans can also face additional costs, including resale fees of around 15 percent,
according to the complaint. The groups further accuse FIFA of using “dark
patterns” — design and marketing tactics that create artificial urgency — to
pressure fans into buying tickets.
The filing lands as pressure on FIFA is already building in Brussels.
In an interview with POLITICO earlier this month, EU Sports Commissioner Glenn
Micallef warned of the safety risks for fans travelling to the 2026 World Cup,
citing concerns linked to the war in Iran. He said FIFA had yet to provide
renewed assurances for supporters, stressing that “since one of the hosts of
this biggest sporting event in the world is party to a war, it’s only legitimate
that assurances are given.”
Micallef also criticized FIFA’s partnership with U.S. President Donald Trump’s
“Board of Peace,” a body widely seen in Europe as an attempt to sidestep the
United Nations.
The complaint to the EU leans on a December 2023 Super League court ruling,
which said FIFA and UEFA can fall under EU competition law when they organize
and market competitions as economic activities. The filing argues that reasoning
applies here too, because FIFA is the sole seller of World Cup tickets and is
allegedly abusing that dominant position.
While Brussels has previously scrutinized sports governing bodies, targeting
FIFA’s ticketing and pricing practices would open a new front.
Euroconsumers and its partners are urging the European Commission to intervene,
including by imposing price caps and forcing greater transparency over ticket
sales.
“We are asking the Commission to act immediately with interim measures,”
Armangau said. “Once those matches are played, the harm to fans cannot be
undone.”
Tag - Markets
LONDON — Keir Starmer’s keeping Britain out of the war in Iran — but he can’t
duck the conflict’s grave economic consequences.
In a sign of growing fears about the impact of the war on Britain, the prime
minister chaired a rare meeting of the government’s emergency COBRA committee
Monday night, joined by senior ministers and Governor of the Bank of England
Andrew Bailey.
Starmer’s top finance minister, Rachel Reeves, will update the House of Commons
on the economic picture Tuesday, as an already-unpopular administration worries
that chaos in the Middle East is shredding plans to lower the cost of living and
get the British economy growing.
For Starmer’s government — headed for potentially brutal local elections in May
— the crisis in the Gulf risks a nightmare combination of a rise in energy
prices, interest rates, inflation and the cost of government borrowing that
threatens to undermine everything he’s done since winning office.
Economists are now warning that even if Donald Trump’s promise of a “complete
and total resolution of hostilities” with Iran were to bear fruit, the effects
on the British economy could still last for months.
Already there are signs of a split within Starmer’s party over how to respond.
Labour MPs want the government to think seriously about action to protect
households — but Starmer and Reeves have long talked up the need for fiscal
responsibility, and economics are warning that there’s little room for maneuver.
Fuel prices displayed at a Shell garage in Southam, Warwickshire on March 23,
2026. | Jacob King/PA Images via Getty Images
Jim O’Neill, a former Treasury minister who served as an adviser to Reeves, told
POLITICO the government should “not get sucked into reacting to every external
shock” and “concentrate on boosting our underlying growth trend.”
WHY THE UK IS SO HARD HIT
Just before the outbreak of war, there was reason for Starmer and Reeves to feel
quietly optimistic about the long-stagnant British economy. The Bank of England
had expected inflation to fall back sustainably toward its two percent target
for the first time in five years, giving the central bank the space to carry on
cutting interest rates.
With the Iran war in full flow, it was forced to rewrite those forecasts at the
Monetary Policy Committee’s meeting last week — and now sees inflation at around
3.5 percent by the summer.
The U.K. is a big net importer of energy and also needs constant imports of
foreign capital to fund its budget and current account deficits. That’s made it
one of first targets in the financial markets’ crosshairs. The government’s cost
of borrowing has risen by more than half a percentage point over the last month.
That threatens both the real economy and Reeves’ painstakingly-negotiated budget
arithmetic. Higher inflation means higher interest rates and a higher bill for
servicing the government’s debt: fiscal watchdog the Office for Budget
Responsibility estimates a one-point increase in inflation would add £7.3
billion to debt servicing costs in 2026-2027 alone.
The effect on businesses and home owners is also likely to be chilling.
Britain’s banks are already repricing their most popular mortgages, which are
tied to the two-year gilt rate. Hundreds of mortgage products were pulled in a
hurry after the MPC meeting last week, something that will hit the housing
market and depress Reeves’ intake from both stamp duty and capital gains.
Duncan Weldon, an economist and author, said: “Even if this were to stop
tomorrow, the inflation numbers and growth numbers are going to look materially
worse throughout 2026.
“If this continues for longer… it’s an awful lot more challenging and you end up
with a much tougher budget this autumn than the government would have been
hoping to unveil.”
DECISION TIME
The U.K.’s economic plight presents an acute political headache for Starmer, as
he faces a mismatch between his own party’s expectations about the government’s
ability to help people and his own scarce resources.
Energy Secretary Ed Miliband has promised to keep looking at different options
for some form of assistance to bill-payers hit by an energy price shock. A pain
point is looming in July, when a regulated cap on energy costs is due to expire
and bills could jump significantly.
One left-leaning Labour MP, granted anonymity to speak frankly, said: “They
[ministers] need to be treating this like a financial crisis. They need plans
for multiple scenarios with clear triggers for government support.”
A second MP from the 2024 intake said “it’s right that a Labour government steps
in, particularly to help the most vulnerable.”
Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper and Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves at
the first cabinet meeting of the new year at No. 10 Downing St. on Jan. 6, 2026
in London, England. | Pool photo by Richard Pohle via Getty Images
This demand for action is being felt in the upper echelons of the party too, as
Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy recently argued Reeves’ fiscal rules — seen as
crucial in the Treasury to reassure the markets — may need to be reconsidered if
prices continue to rise and a major support package is needed.
One Labour official said there are clear disagreements with Labour over how to
go about drawing up help and warned “the fiscal approach is going to be a
massive dividing line at any leadership election.” The same official pointed to
recent comments by former Starmer deputy — and likely leadership contender —
Angela Rayner about the OBR, with Rayner accusing the watchdog of ignoring the
“social benefit” of government spending.
Despite the pressure, ministers have so far restricted themselves to criticizing
petrol retailers for alleged profiteering, and have been flirting with new
powers for markets watchdog the Competition and Markets Authority. The
government said Reeves would on Tuesday set out steps to “help protect working
people from unfair price rises,” including a new “anti-profiteering framework”
to “root out price gouging.”
But Starmer signaled strongly in an appearance before a Commons committee Monday
evening that he was not about to unveil any wide-ranging bailout package,
telling MPs he was “acutely aware” of what it had cost when then-Prime Minister
Liz Truss launched her own universal energy price guarantee in 2022.
O’Neill backed this approach, saying: “I don’t think they should do much… They
can’t afford it anyhow. The nation can’t keep shielding people from external
shocks.”
Weldon predicted, however, that as the May elections approach and the energy cap
deadline draws nearer, the pressure will prove too much and ministers could be
forced to step in.
The furlough scheme rolled out during the pandemic to project jobs and Truss’s
2022 intervention helped create “the expectation that the government should be
helping households,” he said.
“But it’s incredibly difficult. Britain’s growth has been blown off-course an
awful lot in the last 15 years by these sorts of shocks.”
Geoffrey Smith, Dan Bloom, Andrew McDonald and Sam Francis contributed to this
report.
BRUSSELS — The United States wants to engage in a meaningful dialogue with
Brussels on reducing European tech regulation, its Ambassador to the EU Andrew
Puzder told POLITICO.
The U.S. administration and its allies have been vocal critics of the EU’s tech
rules, saying they unfairly target American companies and hurt freedom of
speech. The European Commission has repeatedly denied such allegations, saying
it is merely trying to rein in Big Tech and protect the online space from
harmful behavior.
In an interview Monday, Puzder said he hoped that this week’s vote in the
European Parliament to advance last year’s transatlantic trade deal would set
the scene for talks to loosen constraints on business.
“I’ve had talks with individuals within the EU about moving this discussion
forward. I haven’t, as yet, experienced the concrete steps we need to make that
happen,” Puzder said. He was referring to the EU’s tech rulebook — and the
Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act in particular — that Washington
sees as barriers to trade.
“Hopefully, we’ll continue to talk. Once this trade agreement is approved, in
the spirit of moving forward with these non-tariff trade barriers, we’ll be able
to break down some of these walls,” he added.
Discussions are still in their very early stages and “there’s nothing formal,”
Puzder clarified. The next steps between Brussels and Washington should be
“diplomatic engagement followed by political engagement,” he added.
RECALIBRATION NEGOTIATION
The envoy’s comments follow a heated series of exchanges between senior American
and European officials over whether the EU’s tech rules should even be part of
the transatlantic trade discussion.
In November 2025, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick tied a potential easing of
U.S. steel and aluminum tariffs to a “recalibration” by the EU of the bloc’s
digital regulations.
European Commission Executive Vice President Teresa Ribera responded that tying
tariff relief to European tech rules amounted to “blackmail.”
Ribera, the EU’s top competition official, told POLITICO at the time that the EU
would not accept such attempts to strong-arm it on a topic that it considers to
be a matter of sovereignty. She is currently visiting the U.S. and is due to
meet tech industry bosses in San Francisco this week.
Transatlantic ties took another turn for the worse when the Donald Trump
administration in December barred former Industry Commissioner Thierry Breton
from traveling to the U.S. over his role in creating and implementing the EU’s
tech rules.
Puzder explained that Washington doesn’t think “that Europe shouldn’t have
regulation,” but that it shouldn’t be “regulating in such an extreme manner that
companies feel they can’t innovate — which is why … most of the tech startups in
Europe end up moving to Silicon Valley.”
European Commission Vice President Teresa Ribera attends a press conference in
Brussels on Feb. 25, 2026. | Dursun Aydemir/Anadolu via Getty Images
Responding, the European Commission stressed there is “continued engagement”
between the EU and the U.S.
“Executive Vice President [Henna] Virkkunen has held several meetings with U.S.
Representatives, both in Europe and in the U.S. At technical level, our teams
also engage on a continuous basis with their American counterparts,”
spokesperson Thomas Regnier said in a statement to POLITICO.
Virkunnen’s remit covers technology policy.
Before Trump’s return to the White House, the two sides held held a structured
dialogue under the auspices of the now-defunct EU-U.S. Trade and Technology
Council.
The occasional forum, launched by former U.S. President Joe Biden, sought to
establish a structured dialogue around regulatory cooperation. Yet in the view
of observers it under-delivered, failing for instance to resolve a long-running
steel dispute. The TTC has not met since Trump returned to the White House in
early 2025.
HOUSTON — Oil companies and the world’s largest energy consumers face a
significant challenge to rebuild global petroleum supply chains and inventories
once the critical Strait of Hormuz bottleneck opens, Chevron CEO Mike Wirth said
Monday.
“We’ve got a lot of oil and gas now that is not flowing into the market,” Wirth
said at the CERAWeek by S&P Global conference in Houston. “Physical supply
chains don’t respond immediately, so even if the strait opens at some point, it
will take time to rebuild inventories of the right grades of crude and the right
types of fuel.”
Wirth cautioned that Iran’s attacks on oil tankers and the broader damage of the
Middle East war did greater damage to oil and gas markets than the
Russia-Ukraine war. Asian nations are running low on diesel and jet fuel. The
war has held up deliveries of LNG, fertilizer and other products.
Part of the challenge, Wirth said, will be taking a read of the damage. It’s
unclear how much production has been shut in, Wirth said, and how badly some
facilities were damaged.
At the same event, Energy Secretary Chris Wright reiterated to oil executives
that he anticipated the global disruption to oil and gas flows would be
“short-term,” but he encouraged companies to ramp up production.
“Markets do what markets do,” Wright said. “Prices went up to send signals to
everyone that can produce more: ‘Please, produce more.’”
U.S. regulators this week proposed easing capital rules on big U.S. banks in a
package of proposals that departs from globally agreed-upon standards. Now, it’s
sparking calls from European trade groups to loosen the EU’s own version of the
rules.
On Thursday, U.S. bank regulators released a number of potential rule changes
intended to align U.S. policy with a 2017 global agreement known as Basel III.
Its provisions imply a 2.4 percent decrease in capital held by the largest U.S.
banks and bigger cuts for smaller banks.
European regulators, anticipating the U.S. move, had already been discussing
loosening their own requirements, which currently call for raising the capital
that banks must have on hand by around 8 percent by 2033.
But the breadth of the U.S. proposal has prompted trade groups in Europe to push
officials to move faster. Taken together, the moves could weaken the global
regulatory framework instituted on both sides of the Atlantic after the 2008
financial crisis.
“The U.S. proposal appears to mark a clear shift toward easing capital
constraints to support lending and growth, while Europe seems to continue moving
in a different direction,” said Sébastien de Brouwer, deputy CEO of the European
Banking Federation, a trade group. The United States’ pullback is “making it
more urgent than ever to review the EU framework to preserve competitiveness and
financing capacity of European banks,” he said.
Over the past few months, European regulators had started to reevaluate the
competitiveness of the bloc’s banking sector, especially as major European
economies have struggled to keep pace with U.S. growth.
EU heads of government called Thursday night, in a statement agreed upon before
the release of the U.S. proposal, for the European Commission “to propose
targeted amendments to the prudential framework in order to enhance the capacity
of the banking sector to finance the European economy.”
The Commission is also authoring a report on the competitiveness of its banking
sector, due after the summer, which will pave the way for legislative proposals.
This is set to be a wide-ranging report that could relate to bank capital
requirements or other policies.
The European Central Bank has already made recommendations for simplifying the
bloc’s banking rules ahead of the report, including calling for lighter Basel
rules for small banks and for capital buffers to be merged. None of its
recommendations were as sweeping as what the U.S. has proposed, however.
The U.S. proposal departs from the intent of the original Basel accords, a long
process in which global regulators worked to address the root causes of the
global financial crisis, critics say. Regulators in 2017 reached an agreement
around the framework for jurisdictions to mitigate risks.
“This definitely goes against not just the ethos but the intent, spirit and goal
of Basel III,” said Dennis Kelleher, CEO of Better Markets, an advocacy group
that supports stronger financial regulation. “This proposal when finalized will
inevitably ignite another global race to the regulatory bottom”
One of the biggest departures relates to the unwinding of the “output floor,”
which sets a minimum capital threshold for banks’ trading activities. The new
proposal uses a new risk-weighting approach that would do away with the
threshold.
“This will encourage other jurisdictions to do the same, undermining a key
reform and cornerstone of the Basel III agreement,” Federal Reserve board
member Michael Barr said Thursday.
In the 2017 international talks, the U.S. had argued in favor of a restrictive
output floor. Major European banks argued that would hike their capital
requirements above and beyond those of the U.S., given the makeup of European
banks’ trading books, stymieing lending to the real economy.
The threshold was ultimately set at a lower rate than what American negotiators
wanted.
European regulators had recently moved to delay implementation of the
Fundamental Review of the Trading Book, the portion of Basel focused
specifically on so-called market risk, or rules governing how to capitalize
banks’ trading activities.
“Removing the output floor for market risk is a divergence from international
standards, and we will carefully assess the impact on internationally active
banks, in particular, with respect to the ongoing discussions on EU FRTB
implementation and banking competitiveness in Europe,” said Caroline Liesegang,
head of prudential regulation and research at the Association for Financial
Markets in Europe, which represents large banks.
In the past, U.S. regulators had tended to “gold plate” the country’s rules for
big banks, meaning they put in provisions above and beyond what Basel requires
in order to acknowledge the United State’s central role in the global financial
system and push for stricter global standards. In 2023, U.S. regulators failed
to pass a capital proposal that would have raised aggregate capital by 16
percent and would have adhered more strictly to the international framework.
On Thursday, U.S. regulators said the international standards should not be an
unnecessary barrier to the needs of the U.S. financial system.
“We should not seek to punish U.S. consumers and businesses by imposing higher
costs of credit, or forcing credit availability outside of the banking system,
particularly if this is done only to show greater alignment with Basel or any
other international standard,” said Federal Reserve Vice Chair for Supervision
Michelle Bowman, who led the U.S. central bank’s crafting of the proposal.
The dilution of the agreement and its pullback on capital “will make it more
challenging for the U.S. to use Basel, as it so often has, to further its own
agenda,” said Kathryn Judge, professor at Columbia Law School.
In the U.K., which has since left the bloc, the capital rules are expected to
have less of an impact on banks than EU peers. A spokesperson for the Prudential
Regulation Authority, the U.K.’s main banking regulator, said that the
thinking remains the same as in its final rules, which will see the market risk
rules apply from 2028.
The European Commission declined to comment. The Basel Committee said it doesn’t
comment on individual jurisdictions. The Federal Reserve declined to comment.
Bjarke Smith-Meyer and Elliot Gulliver-Needham contributed to this report.
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warum der Wahlsieg in Mainz kein Grund zum Ausruhen ist, sondern die Koalition
in Berlin nun zwingt, die großen Sozial- und Rentenreformen durchzuziehen.
Donald Trump verliert die Geduld: Angesichts der immer weiter steigenden
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Entweder das Regime gibt die Straße von Hormus frei, oder die USA bombardieren
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Schicksalsfrage für die Midterm-Elections im November wird.
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European countries are being advised to lower gas storage filling targets and to
start refilling gas stores early, as the conflict in Middle East drives up
global energy prices.
European Energy Commissioner Dan Jørgensen urged in a letter to national energy
ministers, seen by POLITICO, that countries should be flexible in how they
refill gas stores, to “help reduce the gas demand at times where the supply is
tense and ease the pressure on gas prices in Europe.”
Since the U.S. and Israel launched strikes on Tehran in late February, the
ensuing conflict has caused global energy prices to spike, driven in part by
Israeli strikes on Iran’s vast offshore gas field and Tehran’s effective closure
of the Strait of Hormuz, a critical passage that facilitates a significant share
of the world’s oil and natural gas trade.
In the letter, Jørgensen asked EU countries to lower their gas storage refilling
targets to 80 percent, 10 percentage points below normal targets.
He also suggested that countries could start storage injections early to avoid
an “end-of-summer rush to refill storages,” which would put upward pressure on
prices. He also suggested that governments extend the deadline to meet filling
targets to as late as December, two months later than usual.
He said countries can take these measures under the EU Gas Storage Regulation,
which provides for flexibility in difficult market conditions.
The EU requires member countries to maintain gas reserves at 90 percent of
capacity by the winter — a measure brought in after Russia’s 2022 invasion of
Ukraine. But this year’s colder-than-average winter depleted those reserves to
an average of under 30 percent as of March, the lowest since 2022.
Anxiety has been growing in Brussels over whether the conflict in Iran, coupled
with already low gas reserves, could spark a fight among countries over
dwindling global energy supplies.
Jørgensen said that the EU’s gas supplies remain “relatively protected” since
the bloc only has “limited reliance” on gas imports from the region. But as a
“net importer” of gas globally, “high and volatile global prices may also impact
the EU gas storage injections,” he said.
As developments in Iran and the wider region are “are significantly impacting
global oil and gas markets,” there are indications that it could take longer for
Qatari gas production to return to pre-crisis levels, Jørgensen said.
The commissioner said he would support countries to make use of the allowed
flexibilities, which should be discussed with the European Commission and other
member states before being implemented.
A Commission spokesperson confirmed that the letter was sent to energy
ministers.
U.S. sanctions on some Iranian oil will be temporarily lifted to allow the sale
of shipments already in transit, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced
Friday.
The partial pause on sanctions is intended to help ease what the Trump
administration sees as a short-term shock to the global market as a result of
the attack on Iran launched by the U.S. and Israel three weeks ago.
Bessent said in a social media post that the U.S. is granting a short-term
authorization to allow the sale of about 140 million barrels of Iranian oil in
transit.
“In essence, we will be using the Iranian barrels against Tehran to keep the
price down as we continue Operation Epic Fury,” he said.
Oil prices have spiked to more than $100 per barrel since the U.S. launched
airstrikes on Iran last month, triggering a rise in gas prices. Israeli strikes
on Iran’s vast offshore gas field and Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a
critical trade passage that facilitates a significant share of the world’s oil
and natural gas trade, have helped drive the increases.
The sales have been authorized for 30 days, according to a copy of the general
license issued by the Treasury Department on Friday.
The announcement marks a partial reversal of the longstanding aggressive
economic pressure campaign by the U.S. intended to weaken Iran’s economy, though
Bessent said the country would have “difficulty accessing any revenue generated”
from the sales.
“The United States will continue to maintain maximum pressure on Iran and its
ability to access the international financial system,” he added.
Trump appeared to acknowledge he was aware that entering a war with Iran could
cause oil prices to spike, even as he touted the success of the U.S. military
operation and the strength of the economy.
“I expected it worse actually,” he told reporters at the White House on Friday.
“I thought that oil prices would go much higher.”
Bessent said he’s confident the suspension of sanctions on Iran will benefit the
U.S. economy in the long run.
“Any short-term disruption now will ultimately translate into longer-term
economic gains for Americans — because there is no prosperity without security,”
he said.
Democratic Senator Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire, the ranking member on the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said in response that the easing of
sanctions gives the Iranian government “a financial lifeline” as Americans
“continue to feel the impact” of the war.
“To say the president has no plan is an understatement,” Shaheen said.
TOULOUSE, France — The prospect of the hard-left France Unbowed party taking
control of Toulouse, France’s fourth-largest city and home to Europe’s
best-known airplane maker, is putting industry on edge.
It’s not just that a win in the second round of local elections Sunday could
give the party’s anticapitalist leader, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a major boost ahead
of next year’s presidential election. That’s a concern for later.
The immediate fear is that if France Unbowed makes history here — the party has
never come close to controlling such a big metropolis — it will heap taxes on
local icons like Airbus to pay for a generous manifesto that includes water
subsidies, free public transport for residents under 26 years old, and free
school meals and educational supplies.
“I’m concerned it will jeopardize plans for new firms and factories to open in
Toulouse, including the future prospects of Airbus,” said Pierre-Olivier Nau,
the president of the employers’ lobby MEDEF in the Haute-Garonne department,
which includes Toulouse.
Nau also worries that the hard left’s opposition to adding a high-speed rail
connection between Bordeaux and Toulouse, due to cost at least €14 billion, will
harm businesses that have been expecting it a long time. France Unbowed’s
mayoral hopeful argues the project will damage the environment and push up rents
in Toulouse by attracting commuters or remote workers from other cities with
higher salaries.
A TIGHT RACE
MEDEF and other business lobbies are now scrambling to react, given France
Unbowed was never expected to get this close to power in Toulouse.
Its candidate, lawmaker François Piquemal, was polling behind his Socialist
Party rival François Briançon in the run-up to the first round of the vote last
Sunday. The Socialist leadership had vowed not to work with the hard left after
the torrent of criticism unleashed against Mélenchon following accusations of
antisemitic behavior and his unapologetic reaction to the death of a far-right
activist.
So Piquemal’s second-place finish and his quickly formed alliance with Briançon
to topple the longtime center-right mayor, Jean-Luc Moudenc, came as a surprise.
The runoff is expected to be close. A poll released Thursday showed Moudenc
winning by just two points in the second round, within the margin of error.
Two local employers’ lobbies recently slammed the hard left’s plans for
Toulouse, and a group of 350 local celebrities, including rugby luminaries and
business owners, signed an open letter calling on citizens to vote against
France Unbowed.
“A lot of business projects have been put on hold,” said Nau.
Piquemal says this is scaremongering. The 41-year-old former teacher denied he
will raise taxes and downplayed talk among business leaders that Airbus, the
region’s dominant employer responsible for more than 200,000 direct and indirect
jobs, would reduce investments or shift facilities if he were elected. Airbus
declined a request for comment.
A general view shows an entrance of the Airbus Defence and Space campus in
Toulouse on October 16, 2024. | Ed Jones/AFP via Getty Images
“Moudenc’s policies, but also [President Emmanuel] Macron’s policies, have
worsened living conditions in Toulouse,” Piquemal told reporters in Toulouse on
Thursday.
“We are the ones who support jobs, we support companies,” he added. “We are the
ones defending small shop owners against big corporations.”
A soft-spoken man with a light beard and warm manner, Piquemal is characteristic
of the new generation of radical left activists in France. He’s just as
comfortable discussing toxic masculinity and making videos on TikTok as he is
campaigning for rent controls or against Israel’s war in Gaza. He was aboard the
so-called Freedom Flotilla with Greta Thunberg and MEP Rima Hassan, carrying aid
to Gaza before they were all arrested by Israeli forces.
Piquemal, however, is much more understated than his party’s flamethrowing
leader. But he’s benefiting from the success of Mélenchon’s adversarial approach
to politics.
France Unbowed is trying to establish itself as the ultimate anti-establishment
party ahead of what is expected to be a showdown with the far right in next
year’s presidential election. Most polls show Marine Le Pen and Jordan
Bardella’s party, the National Rally, is currently the favorite in the race for
the Elysée.
“France Unbowed is the most solid, the best-placed to build a barrage against
the far right,” said Ismael Youssouf-Huard, a France Unbowed activist and
candidate for the Toulouse city council.
“Mélenchon is the sensible choice against the National Rally,” he said.
Results in the first round of voting have gone some way toward validating
Mélenchon’s provocative approach. France Unbowed won the poor, diverse city of
Saint-Denis in the Paris suburbs outright in the first round and is on track to
score the mayor’s job in the industrial northeastern city of Roubaix.
Hard-left candidate François Piquemal talking to voters in the impoverished
Reynerie neighbourhood in Toulouse. | Clea Caulcutt/POLITICO
The election in Toulouse is seen as a major test case for Mélenchon ahead of the
2027 presidential election. Can he and his party confirm its leadership role on
the left ahead of the presidential election or will more moderate voters, turned
off by the hard left’s radicalism, flock toward the opposition?
‘ARE YOU READY FOR SUNDAY?’
At a market squashed between a burnt-out drug dealers’ den and a tower block in
the Reynerie neighborhood, Piquemal is trying to get people to vote.
“Are you ready for Sunday?” he asked, as he handed out leaflets. “You need to go
and vote.”
In the Reynerie market, shoppers are pleased to see him.
“I’m so happy he did well in the first round,” said Claude Compas, a retired
special education teacher.
Thibaut Cazal, a leftwing candidate for the city council, hopes to beat
abstention in the poorer neighbourhoods of Toulouse. | Clea Caulcutt/POLITICO
But some voters are worried about the prospect of the far left running the city.
“They say they’ll give free public transport to the youth, but nothing’s free,”
said retiree Abdallah Taberkokt. “Who’s going to pay? We are.”
Piquemal was generally warmly received — little surprise considering Reynerie
swung heavily for him in the first round of the vote.
Still, Piquemal thought there was more excitement than usual in his core
constituencies. He said he was harnessing “greater momentum” than during the
last local election six years ago, when Moudenc narrowly defeated a more
moderate candidate backed by a united left.
Piquemal’s supporters believe their champion will pave the way for a unified
left, despite the fact that the first round of voting exposed deep divisions
nationally over local alliances with Mélenchon and the hard left.
“These local elections are going to make history,” said Thibaut Cazal, a
candidate for councilor alongside Piquemal. “It’ll show that left-wing families
can be reconciled.”
France Unbowed may still fall short in Toulouse. But even if it does, the party
will have proved that it cannot be ignored ahead of the big presidential
showdown in 2027.
BRUSSELS — EU leaders were supposed to spend Thursday mapping out how to boost
Europe’s economy. Instead, they were left scrambling to deal with two wars, a
deepening transatlantic rift and a standoff over Ukraine.
Twelve hours of talks, a few showdowns and many, many coffees later, here’s
POLITICO’s rapid round-up of what we learned at the European Council.
1) Viktor Orbán’s not a man for moving …
The most pressing question ahead of this summit was whether Hungary’s prime
minister could be convinced to drop his veto to the EU’s €90 billion loan for
Ukraine. He wasn’t.
The European Commission had attempted to appease Orbán in the days running up to
the summit by sending a mission of experts to Ukraine to inspect the damaged
Druzhba pipeline, which supplies Russian oil to Hungary and Slovakia. Orbán has
argued that Ukraine is deliberately not addressing the issue, and tied that to
his blocking of the cash.
Asked whether he saw any chance for progress on the loan going into the summit,
Orbán’s response was simple: “No.” Twelve hours later, that answer was much the
same.
2) … But he does like to stretch his legs.
In one of the most striking images to have come out of Thursday’s summit, the
Hungarian prime minister stands on the sidelines of the outer circle of the room
while the rest of the leaders are in their usual spots listening to a virtual
address from Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy (on screen) speaks to EU leaders via
video at the European Council summit in Brussels, March 19, 2026. | Pool photo
by Geert Vanden Wijngaert/OL / AFP via Getty Images
The relationship between the two has descended into outright acrimony after the
Hungarian leader refused to back the EU loan and the Ukrainian leader made
veiled threats — which even drew the (rare) rebuke of the Commission.
Faced with Zelenskyy’s address, the Hungarian decided to vote with his feet.
3) The new kid on the block is happy to be a part of this European family,
dysfunctional as it may be.
This was the first leaders’ summit for Rob Jetten, the Netherland’s
newly-installed prime minister. Ahead of the meeting, he said he was “very much
looking forward to being part of this family.”
His verdict after the talks? That leaders differ greatly in their speaking
style, with some quite efficient while others take longer to get to the point —
but he welcomed the jokes of Belgian’s Bart De Wever, “especially when the
meeting has been going on for hours.”
5) Though not everyone was so charitable.
Broadly speaking, Orbán digging in his heels did not go down well. Sweden’s
prime minister told reporters after the summit that leaders’ criticism of the
Hungarian in the room was “very, very harsh,” and like nothing he’d ever heard
at an EU summit.
Jetten said the vibe in the room with EU leaders was “icy” at points, with
“awkward silences.”
6) The EU’s not giving up on the loan.
Despite murmurs ahead of the talks of a plan B in the works, multiple EU leaders
as well as Costa and Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen were adamant that the
loan was the only way to go — and that it will happen, eventually.
“We will deliver one way or the other … Today, we have strengthened our
resolve,” von der Leyen. Costa added: “Nobody can blackmail the European
Council, no one can blackmail the European Union.”
Top EU diplomat Kaja Kallas arrives at the European Council summit on March 19,
2026. | Pier Marco Tacca/Getty Images
7) Kaja Kallas wants to avoid a messy entanglement.
In her address to the bloc’s leaders, Kallas, the EU’s top diplomat, stressed
the importance of not getting caught up in the conflict in the Middle East.
“Starting war is like a love affair — it’s easy to get in and difficult to get
out,” she said, according to two diplomats briefed by leaders on the closed-door
talks.
At the same time, Kallas reiterated the importance of the EU’s defending its
interests in the region but said there was little appetite for expanding the
remit of its Aspides naval mission, currently operating in the Red Sea.
8) But it was all roses with the U.N.
U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres joined the Council for lunch, thanking
them for their “strong support for multilateralism and international law.”
In an an exclusive interview with POLITICO on the sidelines of the summit,
Guterres applauded the restraint shown by the Europeans, despite Donald Trump’s
anger at their refusal to actively support the war or help reopen the Strait of
Hormuz, a critical maritime artery that Iran has largely sealed off, driving up
global energy prices.
9) Kinda.
One senior EU official told POLITICO that the lunch meeting was “unnecessary.”
“With all appreciation for multilateralism and its importance … considering the
role the U.N. is not playing in international crises right now, it is
unnecessary,” said the official, granted anonymity to speak freely.
10) Celery is a very versatile vegetable.
Also on the table while they picked over the future of the multilateral world
order was a pâté en croûte with spring vegetables and fillet of veal with
celery three ways.
Three ways!
And for dessert? A mandarin tartlet with cinnamon.
11) Cyprus and Greece want the EU to get serious about mutual defense.
Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos
Mitsotakis asked the EU to think about a roadmap for acting on the bloc’s mutual
defense clause, according to two EU diplomats and one senior European government
official.
The clause, Article 42.7, is the EU’s equivalent of NATO’s Article 5. Its
existence and potential use has recently come into focus since British bases in
Cyprus were attacked by drones.
12) And the Commission hopes it’s already got serious enough about migration.
Von der Leyen said that while the EU has not yet experienced an increase in
migrants as a result of the conflict in Iran, the bloc should be prepared.
“There is absolutely no appetite … to repeat the situation of 2015 in the event
of large migration flows resulting from the conflict in the Middle East,” said
one national official.
The Commission chief emphasized that the mistakes of the 2015 refugee crisis
won’t happen again.
13) Von der Leyen likes to cross her Ts.
Speaking of emphasis — “temporary, tailored and targeted” was how von der Leyen
described the EU’s short-term actions to minimize the impact on Europe of the
recent energy price spikes after the U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran.
The moves will impact four components that affect energy prices: energy costs,
grid charges, taxes and levies and carbon pricing, she said.
14) The ETS is here to stay — with some modifications.
While EU leaders agreed to make some adjustments to the Emissions Trading System
— the bloc’s carbon market — most forcefully backed the continuation of the
system itself.
“This ETS is a great success. It has been in place for 20 years and is a
market-based and technology-neutral system. So we are not calling the ETS into
question,” German Chancellor Friedrich Merz told reporters after the talks had
concluded.
While the Commission will propose some adjustments to the ETS by July, these are
merely adjustments, not fundamental changes, the German leader said.
In the run-up to the summit, some EU countries, including Italy, floated the
idea of weakening the ETS to help weather soaring energy prices.
15) No matter what, EU leaders want to get home — ASAP.
While Costa has so far ensured every European Council under his watch lasts only
one day instead of the once-customary two, this time around, that goal was
looking optimistic.
However, at the end of the day, leaders’ dogged determination to get out of
there prevailed (even if that meant kicking a discussion on the long-term budget
to April). À bientôt!