Europe’s security does not depend solely on our physical borders and their defense. It rests on something far less visible, and far more sensitive: the digital networks that keep our societies, economies and democracies functioning every second of the day. > Without resilient networks, the daily workings of Europe would grind to a > halt, and so too would any attempt to build meaningful defense readiness. A recent study by Copenhagen Economics confirms that telecom operators have become the first line of defense in Europe’s security architecture. Their networks power essential services ranging from emergency communications and cross-border healthcare to energy systems, financial markets, transport and, increasingly, Europe’s defense capabilities. Without resilient networks, the daily workings of Europe would grind to a halt, and so too would any attempt to build meaningful defense readiness. This reality forces us to confront an uncomfortable truth: Europe cannot build credible defense capabilities on top of an economically strained, structurally fragmented telecom sector. Yet this is precisely the risk today. A threat landscape outpacing Europe’s defenses The challenges facing Europe are evolving faster than our political and regulatory systems can respond. In 2023 alone, ENISA recorded 188 major incidents, causing 1.7 billion lost user-hours, the equivalent of taking entire cities offline. While operators have strengthened their systems and outage times fell by more than half in 2024 compared with the previous year, despite a growing number of incidents, the direction of travel remains clear: cyberattacks are more sophisticated, supply chains more vulnerable and climate-related physical disruptions more frequent. Hybrid threats increasingly target civilian digital infrastructure as a way to weaken states. Telecom networks, once considered as technical utilities, have become a strategic asset essential to Europe’s stability. > Europe cannot deploy cross-border defense capabilities without resilient, > pan-European digital infrastructure. Nor can it guarantee NATO > interoperability with 27 national markets, divergent rules and dozens of > sub-scale operators unable to invest at continental scale. Our allies recognize this. NATO recently encouraged members to spend up to 1.5 percent of their GDP on protecting critical infrastructure. Secretary General Mark Rutte also urged investment in cyber defense, AI, and cloud technologies, highlighting the military benefits of cloud scalability and edge computing – all of which rely on high-quality, resilient networks. This is a clear political signal that telecom security is not merely an operational matter but a geopolitical priority. The link between telecoms and defense is deeper than many realize. As also explained in the recent Arel report, Much More than a Network, modern defense capabilities rely largely on civilian telecom networks. Strong fiber backbones, advanced 5G and future 6G systems, resilient cloud and edge computing, satellite connectivity, and data centers form the nervous system of military logistics, intelligence and surveillance. Europe cannot deploy cross-border defense capabilities without resilient, pan-European digital infrastructure. Nor can it guarantee NATO interoperability with 27 national markets, divergent rules and dozens of sub-scale operators unable to invest at continental scale. Fragmentation has become one of Europe’s greatest strategic vulnerabilities. The reform Europe needs: An investment boost for digital networks At the same time, Europe expects networks to become more resilient, more redundant, less dependent on foreign technology and more capable of supporting defense-grade applications. Security and resilience are not side tasks for telecom operators, they are baked into everything they do. From procurement and infrastructure design to daily operations, operators treat these efforts as core principles shaping how networks are built, run and protected. Therefore, as the Copenhagen Economics study shows, the level of protection Europe now requires will demand substantial additional capital. > It is unrealistic to expect world-class, defense-ready infrastructure to > emerge from a model that has become structurally unsustainable. This is the right ambition, but the economic model underpinning the sector does not match these expectations. Due to fragmentation and over-regulation, Europe’s telecom market invests less per capita than global peers, generates roughly half the return on capital of operators in the United States and faces rising costs linked to expanding security obligations. It is unrealistic to expect world-class, defense-ready infrastructure to emerge from a model that has become structurally unsustainable. A shift in policy priorities is therefore essential. Europe must place investment in security and resilience at the center of its political agenda. Policy must allow this reality to be reflected in merger assessments, reduce overlapping security rules and provide public support where the public interest exceeds commercial considerations. This is not state aid; it is strategic social responsibility. Completing the single market for telecommunications is central to this agenda. A fragmented market cannot produce the secure, interoperable, large-scale solutions required for modern defense. The Digital Networks Act must simplify and harmonize rules across the EU, supported by a streamlined governance that distinguishes between domestic matters and cross-border strategic issues. Spectrum policy must also move beyond national silos, allowing Europe to avoid conflicts with NATO over key bands and enabling coherent next-generation deployments. Telecom policy nowadays is also defense policy. When we measure investment gaps in digital network deployment, we still tend to measure simple access to 5G and fiber. However, we should start considering that — if security, resilience and defense-readiness are to be taken into account — the investment gap is much higher that the €200 billion already estimated by the European Commission. Europe’s strategic choice The momentum for stronger European defense is real — but momentum fades if it is not seized. If Europe fails to modernize and secure its telecom infrastructure now, it risks entering the next decade with a weakened industrial base, chronic underinvestment, dependence on non-EU technologies and networks unable to support advanced defense applications. In that scenario, Europe’s democratic resilience would erode in parallel with its economic competitiveness, leaving the continent more exposed to geopolitical pressure and technological dependency. > If Europe fails to modernize and secure its telecom infrastructure now, it > risks entering the next decade with a weakened industrial base, chronic > underinvestment, dependence on non-EU technologies and networks unable to > support advanced defense applications. Europe still has time to change course and put telecoms at the center of its agenda — not as a technical afterthought, but as a core pillar of its defense strategy. The time for incremental steps has passed. Europe must choose to build the network foundations of its security now or accept that its strategic ambitions will remain permanently out of reach. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is Connect Europe AISBL * The ultimate controlling entity is Connect Europe AISBL * The political advertisement is linked to advocacy on EU digital, telecom and industrial policy, including initiatives such as the Digital Networks Act, Digital Omnibus, and connectivity, cybersecurity, and defence frameworks aimed at strengthening Europe’s digital competitiveness. More information here.

BELÉM, Brazil — Turkey will host next year’s U.N. climate conference after Australia’s bid imploded. Turkey and Australia had faced off for more than a year over the talks’ location, an impasse that extended almost until the final day of the current climate summit in Belém, Brazil. If no resolution had emerged, next year’s summit would have defaulted to Germany, which has said it wouldn’t have time to plan the event properly. While Turkey will provide the venue for the 2026 talks, Australia will hold the presidency — and therefore the diplomacy, said Chris Bowen, Australia’s minister for climate change and energy. That means that “I would have all the powers of the COP presidency,” he said. A Turkish official, who did not give his name, said the final deal would be announced on Thursday. Turkey had proposed hosting the talks in the Mediterranean city of Antalya. It is a highly unusual arrangement for the annual climate conference, which normally has a single host and presidency. But it’s not unprecedented: In 2017, Germany hosted a Fijian-led conference. “Obviously it would be great if Australia could have it all. But we can’t have it all,” Bowen said. “It’s also a significant concession for Turkey.” He added that before the summit, separate talks will occur in the Pacific where money would be raised to help that region cope with climate change. German State Secretary Jochen Flasbarth, whose country chairs the Western Europe and Others Group from which the host of next year’s talks is due to be selected based on the rotating system of the U.N., put a positive spin on the discussions. “There was a positive spirit,” he said. “It’s something extraordinary that two countries from very different sides of the planet but being in one group reached an agreement.” But others were more candid. “It’s an ugly solution,” said a European diplomat who was granted anonymity to discuss the confidential discussions. “Turkey just wants to showboat and don’t care about content really, and Aussies do but they don’t control the event and logistics.” The new host country’s climate track record is mixed. Turkey aims to reach net-zero greenhouse gas emissions in 2053, a date chosen more for its symbolism — 600 years after the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople — than science. This year, it presented a new climate target that will see its emissions increase by around 16 percent until 2035. The country overtook Poland last year as Europe’s top coal user, and harbors ambitions of stepping up gas exploration to become a regional transit hub. Australia had secured the backing of the U.K. and some European countries, as well as the Pacific region, with which it planned to co-host the summit. But during a series of long meetings on Wednesday, Australia failed to persuade Turkey to back down. Australia had been favored to host the talks in the city of Adelaide. But on Tuesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese blinked, saying his country would not block Turkey as host country if Ankara were to prevail. His office later clarified the statement to indicate he meant that he expected Turkey to do the same if Australia won the competition. But by then, news stories had circulated around the world that Australia had backed down.

ATHENS — The Chinese embassy in Athens lashed out against U.S. Ambassador Kimberly Guilfoyle on Wednesday over her recent criticism of Beijing’s investments in Greece. Guilfoyle’s comments were a “malicious slander” against Sino-Greek trade relations and a “serious interference in Greek internal affairs,” an embassy spokesperson said in a written statement. Last week Guilfoyle said China’s state ownership of the Port of Piraeus, Greece’s largest such facility, was “unfortunate” and suggested it could be circumvented. “Something could be worked out, whether you pursue a path of enhancing output in other areas or perhaps that Piraeus could be for sale,” she opined. The Chinese embassy was unimpressed. “The port of Piraeus belongs to the Greek people; it is not a tool for undermining regional prosperity and stability, and under no circumstances should it fall victim to geopolitical confrontation,” the statement read. “At a time when the port of Piraeus is undergoing rapid development, the US with self-serving intentions, is encouraging Greece to terminate its contractual obligations and sell the port — this practice is a typical example of imposing its own thinking on others and reveals a mindset that attempts to undermine stability.” China invested heavily in debt-ridden Greece during the country’s lengthy economic crisis, a decade-long saga that started in 2009, with the goal of making it a hub for Chinese exports. At the time, companies from other Western countries were turning away from Athens, spooked by its financial woes and infamous bureaucracy. Cosco, China’s state-owned shipping company, secured a majority stake in the Port of Piraeus in 2016. Beijing intended that Piraeus become a key part — the so-called dragon’s head — of its Belt and Road global infrastructure project. “The port of Piraeus was handed over to the Chinese during the financial crisis in Greece, as they were the only ones who submitted a bid,” Greek Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lana Zochiou said during a Tuesday briefing in Athens. “Greece respects the agreements that have been conducted in the past.” Guilfoyle, a one-time conservative pundit on U.S.-based network Fox News, suggested Beijing’s current influence might be offset by increasing American investment in other infrastructure projects. Indeed, Athens is accelerating plans to develop a new port in Elefsina, a U.S.-backed project that officials say could serve as a counterweight to China’s presence in Piraeus. The idea was discussed on Tuesday at a meeting between Guilfoyle and Greek Development Minister Takis Theodorikakos, after which Athens moved to implement the plan. “We look forward to seeing Elefsina Port evolve into a logistics hub for the region,” Guilfoyle said after the meeting.

BRUSSELS — The European Commission plans to slash red tape and pour money into making it easier to move troops and weapons across the continent, according to the Military Mobility Communication obtained by POLITICO. The document is part of the upcoming military mobility package, set to be announced on Wednesday alongside a legislative proposal. “Military mobility is the crucial enabler of the defence posture and capabilities that Europe urgently needs to credibly deter its adversaries and to respond to any crisis,” reads the 15-page communication. At the heart of the plan is the new European Military Mobility Enhanced Response System, a new scheme allowing member countries — or the Commission — to propose the temporary suspension of normal transport rules during emergencies. Once triggered, EMERS would give the military priority access to infrastructure, transport assets and essential services. “Situations requiring rapid, large-scale military movement rarely come announced,” the communication says, adding that without better military mobility rules, deterring an adversary remains “theoretical.” The EU and NATO are scrambling to make it easier to shift troops, weapons, ammunition and fuel from Western Europe to the front lines of a potential conflict with Russia in the east. Currently, the bloc’s roads, bridges, railways and paperwork aren’t fit for purpose to react swiftly in the event of a threat. The communication notes that some countries require 45 days of advance notice before allowing military equipment to cross their territory. “Significant barriers to effective military mobility in the EU persist,” the communication notes. “National rules are often divergent, fragmented and non-harmonised.” Transport Commissioner Apostolos Tzitzikostas told POLITICO earlier this month that the bloc should replicate its Schengen open-border zone for military equipment. “We need to move fast. We need to move faster than what Europe is used to or is expecting to,” Tzitzikostas said, saying the target is to get the basics in place by 2030.  German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius warned over the weekend that Russia may be capable of launching an attack on a NATO member state as early as 2028-2029. If approved, EMERS would also grant derogations from standard customs and transport rules, including limits on driving times and rest periods for civilian operators, as well as faster, dedicated customs procedures under a specific EU protocol. The framework could stay in place for up to one year, with activation approved by the Council within 48 hours of its proposal. To ensure coordination on the ground, each member state will appoint a national coordinator for military transport, serving as a single contact point for permissions, notifications and crisis response. A new Military Mobility Transport Group, bringing together national authorities, the European Defence Agency and the European External Action Service, will oversee implementation. The communication also mentions forthcoming reviews of the Rail Service Facilities Regulation and the Air Services Regulation, as well as a 2026 evaluation of the flexible use of airspace rules and a pledge to promote dual-use airports. The text also foresees the creation of a solidarity pool and a strategic lift reserve enabling the shared use of EU and national transport assets in crises. Other initiatives include a military mobility catalogue of dual-use transport assets, a digital information system for movement authorization, and support for an EU network of civil-defense drone testing centers. A big part of Europe’s military mobility push is mapping 500 hotspots — the bridges, tunnels and ports that act as bottlenecks for military transport — and updating them to military standards. The communication also foresees an effort to better link the EU’s transport infrastructure to Ukraine that will cost as much as €100 billion. The Commission wants the EU to set aside €17.7 billion for military mobility under the Connecting Europe Facility in the bloc’s next seven-year budget starting in 2027 — a tenfold jump from the €1.7 billion in the current budget. The communication also notes that the EU needs to better protect its infrastructure against cyber and hybrid attacks. The bloc has seen a proliferation of such threats, including this Sunday’s explosion on a key Polish railway that the government attributed to “sabotage.” “Europe must take decisive action,” the communication says. “While progress has been made, the EU remains shackled by fragmented approaches that undermine our ability in moving military equipment and personnel across Europe.”

At New York Climate Week in September, opinion leaders voiced concern that high-profile events often gloss over the deep inequalities exposed by climate change, especially how poorer populations suffer disproportionately and struggle to access mitigation or adaptation resources. The message was clear: climate policies should better reflect social justice concerns, ensuring they are inclusive and do not unintentionally favor those already privileged.  We believe access to food sits at the heart of this call for inclusion, because everything starts with food: it is a fundamental human right and a foundation for health, education and opportunity. It is also a lever for climate, economic and social resilience.  > We believe access to food sits at the heart of this call for inclusion, > because everything starts with food This makes the global conversation around food systems transformation more urgent than ever. Food systems are under unprecedented strain. Without urgent, coordinated action, billions of people face heightened risks of malnutrition, displacement and social unrest.   Delivering systemic transformation requires coordinated cross-sector action, not fragmented solutions. Food systems are deeply interconnected, and isolated interventions cannot solve systemic problems. The Food and Agriculture Organization’s recent Transforming Food and Agriculture Through a Systems Approach report calls for systems thinking and collaboration across the value chain to address overlapping food, health and environmental challenges.   Now, with COP30 on the horizon, unified and equitable solutions are needed to benefit entire value chains and communities. This is where a systems approach becomes essential.  A systems approach to transforming food and agriculture  Food systems transformation must serve both people and planet. We must ensure everyone has access to safe, nutritious food while protecting human rights and supporting a just transition.   At Tetra Pak, we support food and beverage companies throughout the journey of food production, from processing raw ingredients like milk and fruit to packaging and distribution. This end-to-end perspective gives us a unique view into the interconnected challenges within the food system, and how an integrated approach can help manufacturers reduce food loss and waste, improve energy and water efficiency, and deliver food where it is needed most.   Meaningful reductions to emissions require expanding the use of renewable and carbon-free energy sources. As outlined in our Food Systems 2040 whitepaper,1 the integration of low-carbon fuels like biofuels and green hydrogen, alongside electrification supported by advanced energy storage technologies, will be critical to driving the transition in factories, farms and food production and processing facilities.   Digitalization also plays a key role. Through advanced automation and data-driven insights, solutions like Tetra Pak® PlantMaster enable food and beverage companies to run fully automated plants with a single point of control for their production, helping them improve operational efficiency, minimize production downtime and reduce their environmental footprint.  The “hidden middle”: A critical gap in food systems policy  Today, much of the focus on transforming food systems is placed on farming and on promoting healthy diets. Both are important, but they risk overlooking the many and varied processes that get food from the farmer to the end consumer. In 2015 Dr Thomas Reardon coined the term the “hidden middle” to describe this midstream segment of global agricultural value chains.2   This hidden middle includes processing, logistics, storage, packaging and handling, and it is pivotal. It accounts for approximately 22 percent of food-based emissions and between 40-60 percent of the total costs and value added in food systems.3 Yet despite its huge economic value, it receives only 2.5 to 4 percent of climate finance.4  Policymakers need to recognize the full journey from farm to fork as a lynchpin priority. Strategic enablers such as packaging that protects perishable food and extends shelf life, along with climate-resilient processing technologies, can maximize yield and minimize loss and waste across the value chain. In addition, they demonstrate how sustainability and competitiveness can go hand in hand.  Alongside this, climate and development finance must be redirected to increase investment in the hidden middle, with a particular focus on small and medium-sized enterprises, which make up most of the sector.   Collaboration in action  Investment is just the start. Change depends on collaboration between stakeholders across the value chain: farmers, food manufacturers, brands, retailers, governments, financiers and civil society.  In practice, a systems approach means joining up actors and incentives at every stage.5 The dairy sector provides a perfect example of the possibilities of connecting. We work with our customers and with development partners to establish dairy hubs in countries around the world. These hubs connect smallholder farmers with local processors, providing chilling infrastructure, veterinary support, training and reliable routes to market.6 This helps drive higher milk quality, more stable incomes and safer nutrition for local communities.  Our strategic partnership with UNIDO* is a powerful example of this collaboration in action. Together, we are scaling Dairy Hub projects in Kenya, building on the success of earlier initiatives with our customer Githunguri Dairy. UNIDO plays a key role in securing donor funding and aligning public-private efforts to expand local dairy production and improve livelihoods. This model demonstrates how collaborations can unlock changes in food systems.  COP30 and beyond  Strategic investment can strengthen local supply chains, extend social protections and open economic opportunity, particularly in vulnerable regions. Lasting progress will require a systems approach, with policymakers helping to mitigate transition costs and backing sustainable business models that build resilience across global food systems for generations to come.   As COP30 approaches, we urge policymakers to consider food systems as part of all decision-making, to prevent unintended trade-offs between climate and nutrition goals. We also recommend that COP30 negotiators ensure the Global Goal on Adaptation include priorities indicators that enable countries to collect, monitor and report data on the adoption of climate-resilient technologies and practices by food processors. This would reinforce the importance of the hidden middle and help unlock targeted adaptation finance across the food value chain.  When every actor plays their part, from policymakers to producers, and from farmers to financiers, the whole system moves forward. Only then can food systems be truly equitable, resilient and sustainable, protecting what matters most: food, people and the planet.  * UNIDO (United Nations Industrial Development Organization)  Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is Tetra Pak * The ultimate controlling entity is Brands2Life Ltd * The advertisement is linked to policy advocacy regarding food systems and climate policy More information here. https://www.politico.eu/7449678-2

Two Ukrainian nationals have been detained in Poland on suspicion of spying for a foreign intelligence service, authorities in Warsaw said Monday morning. Prosecutors handling the case allege that the pair, aged 32 and 34, gathered classified data on “soldiers of the Polish Armed Forces, critical infrastructure located on the territory of the Republic of Poland, including transport infrastructure providing logistical and military support to Ukraine,” the Polish counterintelligence agency ABW said in a statement. The ABW also said the suspects had installed monitoring devices near key facilities to enable “covert tracking of critical infrastructure.” They received payments for their work, the ABW also said. Poland has been on high alert for cases of foreign espionage and sabotage both on the ground and in cyberspace, which authorities have linked directly to Russia or its close ally Belarus.  The arrests, which took place on Oct. 14 in the southern Polish city of Katowice, are part of  an espionage probe overseen by prosecutors and based on information from the Military Counterintelligence Service SKW.  The two Ukrainian nationals were charged with readiness to work for a foreign intelligence service and collecting sensitive information, a crime subject to imprisonment from six months to eight years.  Other recent incidents in Poland involved an alleged Belarusian refugee, who Poland says was an operative for Russia, setting fire to a shopping mall near Warsaw; and an alleged attempt that is being investigated to sabotage a railway station by leaving an unmarked railcar on tracks used by passenger trains.

LONDON — A U.S. diplomatic broadside personally led by President Donald Trump derailed a historic effort to tax climate pollution from shipping.  A fractious meeting of the International Maritime Organization in London ended Friday with a decision to adjourn for a year, after Saudi Arabia, backed by Russia, pushed for a pause.   That means the effort to set binding international rules to cut greenhouse gases from shipping — responsible for about 3 percent of global emissions — goes into the deep freeze for a year. During that time, the U.S. and other opponents can try to rally more support to kill it completely.  The move followed an extended pressure campaign from the United States marked by threats of tariffs and other economic penalties. It is also a huge setback for the European Union, which failed to push through the measure and even saw some of its member countries abstain. “Commonsense prevailed,” a senior U.S. State Department official said in an email. “The Trump Administration will not stand for the UN or any organization forcing American taxpayers to foot the bill for their environmental pet projects.”  European Commission Executive Vice President Teresa Ribera called the delay “a huge shame,” in a social media post. The EU and Brazil had been publicly backing the move ahead of COP30 global climate talks next month, hosted by Brazil.  The proposal up for approval at the IMO, the U.N. agency that regulates global shipping, was meant to incentivize countries to shift toward using cleaner fuels in a bid to zero out carbon emissions from shipping by 2050. It would have increased the financial burden on polluting ships over time. Fees collected would go to help fund the shift to greener fuels and support developing countries.  The White House had objected for months, with Trump himself weighing in on Thursday in a post on Truth Social that he was “outraged” by the effort. “The United States will NOT stand for this Global Green New Scam Tax on Shipping,” he said.   It comes as the United States grows increasingly hostile in its approach to climate measures, with Trump calling climate change a “con job” and urging other countries to drop efforts to invest in renewable energy.  There had been “relentless pressure” from the U.S. for countries to back its position, said Vanuatu Climate Minister Ralph Regenvanu. “There’s bullshit going on,” the Pacific Island nation minister said during a coffee break before the final vote. SHIFTING VOTES The motion to adjourn on Friday passed by just four votes, after several countries that had previously backed the measure, including EU members Greece and Cyprus, chose to abstain. “The net zero framework relies on fuels and technologies that aren’t available at scale, and introduces sharp penalties for not using them, which would inflate costs as companies chase limited supplies,” said a Greek official, speaking on condition of anonymity. Greece hosts some of the world’s leading shipping companies. European Commission Executive Vice President Teresa Ribera called the delay “a huge shame,” in a social media post. | Olivier Hoslet/EPA Representatives from Cyprus declined to comment on their vote. The delay dismayed countries backing an effort to cut emissions from a sector that is seeing fast growth. “They killed [the agreement]. The lack of leadership from the EU makes my blood boil,” said one person with knowledge of the discussions, also granted anonymity to speak candidly.  However, the move garnered support from major fossil fuels producers, such as Saudi Arabia and Russia, which traditionally push back against climate measures aimed at cutting the use of oil, gas and coal. Major shipping countries and several with large flag registries, including Singapore and Liberia, also objected.   Others shifted positions. China, the world’s biggest ship builder, switched from supporting the measure in April, to voting to delay it on Friday.   The clash highlighted the differences between countries worried about the measure’s economic impact against those fearing the consequences of global warming. A Saudi delegate, who could not be named due to the IMO’s restrictions on reporting, accused backers of the carbon price of sowing global division. “We have differences because we are all looking out for our citizens, our futures … and our economies,” he said.  But Emma Fenton, senior diplomacy director at Opportunity Green, an NGO, called the outcome “a devastating indictment of member states’ lack of courage to stand in solidarity with climate-vulnerable countries to achieve a just and equitable maritime transition.”  A European Commission spokesperson called the delay “regrettable” and stressed the EU’s commitment to an “ambitious, science-based global framework” to put international shipping on track for net-zero emissions by 2050.   The spokesperson added that Europe “remains an open and reliable partner” and is ready to resume talks “under IMO leadership when appropriate.”  The International Chamber of Shipping, a global trade association representing more than 80 percent of the world’s merchant fleet, said it was disappointed with the outcome.  China, the world’s biggest ship builder, switched from supporting the measure in April, to voting to delay it on Friday. | Alex Plavevski/EPA “Industry needs clarity to be able to make the investments needed to decarbonize the maritime sector,” Thomas A. Kazakos, the chamber’s secretary-general, said in a statement. “As an industry we will continue to work with the IMO, which is the best organization to deliver the global regulations needed for a global industry.”  Part of the shipping industry is worried that if the IMO effort fails, the result could be a patchwork of national and regional measures that will be expensive and confusing for the sector.  Alison Shaw, IMO manager at green NGO Transport & Environment, said the delay will create further uncertainty for the shipping industry. But this week’s proceedings nevertheless showed “a clear desire to clean up the shipping industry, even in the face of U.S. bullying.”  The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, however, applauded Trump for resisting a measure it dubbed “misguided.”   “A unilateral global tax of this nature risks distorting markets and discouraging investment in cleaner shipping technologies,” Marty Durbin, president of the chamber’s Global Energy Institute said in a statement. He also took issue with the way the measure advanced, calling it a “rushed and opaque process” that many member countries did not affirmatively support.  Sara Schonhardt reported from Washington. Karl Mathiesen reported from London. Martina Sapio reported from Brussels. Zia Weise contributed reporting from Brussels. Nektaria Stamouli contributed reporting from Athens.

Kyiv and Washington are discussing new steps to help bolster Ukraine’s air defense systems, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Saturday, in the aftermath of a massive Russian attack on the country’s energy system. “I had a call with U.S. President Donald Trump — a very positive and productive one,” Zelenskyy said on X Saturday afternoon. “We discussed opportunities to bolster our air defense, as well as concrete agreements that we are working on to ensure this.” The announcement come a day after Moscow launched a fresh assault on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, unleashing more than 450 drones and 30 missiles in an attack that left at least 20 people injured and parts of the country without electricity. Power has since been restored to 800,000 people in Kyiv, Ukrainian authorities said. It marks the latest episode in a broader shift by the Trump administration on Ukraine, as the U.S. president grows increasingly impatient with Russian President Vladimir Putin and frustrated with stalling efforts to end Moscow’s all-out war on Ukraine. In the past month, Trump has approved the first military support package of his term to Kyiv under the NATO-funded Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List initiative. He has also teased the idea of supplying Kyiv with long-range Tomahawk missiles, and said Ukraine could “win all of [the country] back in its original form.” Tomahawk missiles, which Kyiv could use to strike targets up to 2,500 kilometers inside Russia, reportedly featured in the leaders’ latest conversation on Saturday. The discussion comes as Kyiv gears up for a challenging winter, as Moscow steps up its air attacks and deploys new software to dodge Ukraine’s air defense systems, while the country races to secure enough energy supplies in the months to come. Ukraine’s military chief Oleksandr Syrskyi on Saturday said the country’s air defenses were about 74 percent effective. But Russia has increased its air strikes by 1.3 times over the past month, he added, meaning Kyiv “must make further efforts to protect rear-area energy facilities, critical infrastructure, and logistics.” Recent Russian attacks have destroyed more than 50 percent of Ukraine’s natural gas production capacity. In response, Ukrainian Energy Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk last week said Kyiv would have to ramp up its gas imports by 30 percent this winter.

Ceasefire talks between Israel and Hamas were stalling this week until U.S. emissaries Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner swept in to dictate key compromises, according to three people familiar with the diplomatic effort and an administration official. In the first few days, “it was going very slow,” said one of the people familiar with the talks, which started Monday. “There was no willingness to budge on key issues.” The issues included where Israeli troops would withdraw to, the mechanics of the hostage release and prisoner exchange, how aid would flow into the Gaza Strip and which Palestinian prisoners would come out of Israel, said the person, who like others in this story was granted anonymity to discuss sensitive negotiations. Then on Wednesday, Witkoff and Kushner arrived, along with Qatari Prime Minister Mohammed Abdulrahman Al Thani. They presented a series of terms and pressed both sides to accept them quickly. The breakneck speed with which the deal came together after Witkoff and Kushner became directly involved speaks to the intense pressure all sides were feeling to get a deal done after weeks of President Donald Trump saying it was “very close.” It illustrates the extent to which the Trump administration’s posture on the conflict has shifted to strong-arming both sides, starting from Trump’s meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu last week in which he prompted him to apologize to Qatar for a strike against Hamas negotiators in Doha. The U.S. administration’s terms included a demand that Israel begin pulling its troops back before any hostages are released, according to another one of the people familiar with the talks. The person said it was just one of a number of trade-offs that helped seal the deal. Discussions continued into the evening, but the deal started to come together. It was about 2:30 a.m. Thursday in Egypt when Trump had a final consultation with his negotiators before firing off the Truth Social post announcing an end to the conflict, senior U.S. officials told reporters in a briefing. While Witkoff and Kushner helped solidify the agreement, others were important players in the negotiations as well — including officials from Egypt and from Turkey, whose deep influence with Hamas helped to move things over the line. And it’s possible that many of those involved were waiting for the U.S. representatives to arrive to make definitive calls. But the rapid pace of the Wednesday evening breakthrough surprised many of the officials involved in the negotiations, who thought the discussions could last into the weekend, according to the two people familiar with the talks. “We were expecting to need five more days,” the first person familiar with the talks said. The terms that Witkoff and Kushner set out will, if all goes according to plan, lead to the release of the remaining Israeli hostages and hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, the initial Israeli troop withdrawal and increased aid deliveries to the Gaza Strip, easing two years of war that has engulfed the region and led to thousands of deaths. But much could fall apart in the next few days, and the Trump administration is pressing on a number of fronts to make sure it doesn’t. From the talks in Sharm El Sheikh, Kushner and Witkoff flew to Cairo to brief Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi on the plan and to stress that they would need his help implementing it. From there, they went on to Jerusalem to kick off the fragile beginning of the first phase. Witkoff and Kushner met with Israel’s cabinet for about an hour late Thursday, explaining to them the merits of the deal and why the administration backed it, the U.S. officials told reporters in the briefing. Israel’s cabinet approved the hostage release deal a few hours later. The White House declined to comment on the negotiations beyond the information offered in the briefing. The Israeli troop withdrawal is expected to follow within a day of the cabinet’s approval, followed by Hamas releasing the remaining Israeli hostages, including 20 believed to be alive and the bodies of 28 who died in captivity. Israel agreed to release hundreds of Palestinian prisoners and increased aid will begin to flow to the Gaza Strip. Trump is expected to visit Israel on Sunday, where he will address the Knesset, meet with hostage families and observe the release of some of those still held in Gaza, according to an Israeli and another U.S. official, though the plans are in flux. Witkoff and Kushner will remain in Israel over the weekend to make sure the first phase of the deal is implemented. “There’s still just a lot of ways that this can go wrong, so we’re staying on top of the details to make sure everyone fulfills their obligations and that any misunderstandings are quickly discussed and adjudicated,” a senior U.S. official told reporters in the briefing. Should it be fully completed, the release of all of the remaining hostages is a significant turning point in two years of war that will create much more space for the U.S., its Arab partners and Israel to maneuver. But it is only the first phase of the 20-point plan and many questions remain unanswered, such as whether Hamas will disarm or who will run Gaza after the war ends. “The difficult days are the ones that follow Monday,” said Robert Greenway, senior director for the Middle East in the first Trump administration, now at the Heritage Foundation. Greenway, who worked with Kushner on the Abraham Accords — which normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states, was referring to the day Trump has said Hamas will begin to release hostages. Two hundred U.S. troops have begun arriving in Israel to stand up a joint task force to help monitor the ceasefire and help with logistics and coordination, a U.S. defense official said, adding that they will all be in place over the weekend. Egyptian, Qatari, Turkish and Emirati service members are expected to join the effort, the U.S. officials told reporters. The senior U.S. official said in the briefing that the U.S. troops would not be entering Gaza and that negotiations would take place over the weekend to decide where they will be located. In the negotiations, Arab states pledged to Israel to stand behind the decommissioning of Hamas weapons, while the U.S. guaranteed to Hamas that were the militant group to release all of the hostages, Israel will not resume the war. After the hostage release and prisoner swap, the U.S. plans to start negotiating the more challenging issues like disarming Hamas, creating a technocratic government and fully redeploying the Israeli army. The CENTCOM task force plans to liaise with the Israel Defense Forces and help begin the process to stand up an international security force including Arab and other forces that ultimately is aimed at replacing the IDF in parts of Gaza, the officials told reporters. While the U.S. says it has commitments from Muslim and Arab countries to join such a force, it will be a significant challenge to actually field it. “While Trump is here on the ground, there will be intensified hope to see the living hostages released,” an Israeli official said, granted anonymity to discuss plans still in flux, adding that the timing of Trump’s trip — coinciding with the two year anniversary of the Oct. 7 attacks in the Hebrew calendar — is “extremely important for the Israeli psyche.” Paul McLeary contributed to this report.

Dockworkers from across Europe will converge on Genoa, Italy, on Friday and Saturday to coordinate an effort to block shipments of weapons that could be used in Gaza — but the push could broaden into a much wider trade boycott of Israel. Italy’s USB union will host trade unionists from ports in Spain, France, Greece, Cyprus, Morocco and Germany to hammer out a joint strategy. “We hope to come out of this meeting with a plan for serious, concrete action — both immediate and long-term,” said Francesco Staccioli of USB’s confederal executive, who is leading coordination with international partners. Initially that means focusing on how to react to the Global Sumud Flotilla — a humanitarian aid convoy involving climate activist Greta Thunberg that was targeted by Israeli drones in international waters south of Crete earlier this week. Talks will cover blocking military exports to Israel, but the debate could widen, with moves that may threaten Israel’s trade ties with the EU. “Looking ahead, it could mean coordinated industrial action in European ports against not just weapons, but all goods directed to Israel,” said Staccioli. The initiative began as an effort to coordinate Mediterranean dockworkers with the aim of making ports “arms-free zones,” he explained. The urgency grew over the summer as ships loaded with weapons and military equipment bound for Israel docked in Piraeus in Greece, Marseille in France and in Genoa. “What started as a plan for a common front in the autumn — to step up pressure and disrupt arms loading and unloading in European ports — has been reshaped by recent events,” he said. The turning point, he said, was the Global Sumud Flotilla — the fourth and largest maritime challenge to Israel’s blockade of Gaza, involving 20 vessels and more than 300 crew. The mission set sail at the beginning of September as Gaza faces a worsening humanitarian crisis, with U.N. agencies warning of famine across the enclave. The Global Sumud Flotilla is the fourth and largest maritime challenge to Israel’s blockade of Gaza, involving 20 vessels and more than 300 crew. | Federico Scoppa/Getty Images The recent attacks against it prompted Italy to dispatch a warship to protect its citizens on board, quickly followed by Spain. Still, on Thursday Italy’s Defense Minister Guido Crosetto warned the flotilla not to attempt to force Israel’s Gaza blockade, stressing that Italian ships “will remain in international waters” and will not act as escorts. “The flotilla changed the game,” Staccioli said. “It amplified the debate and put Gaza front and center, demanding strong, immediate intervention.” USB dockworkers had already warned that if contact with the flotilla is lost, they would immediately move to block all shipments to Israel. In Italy, a general strike earlier this week — involving workers from both public and private sectors — also drew significant attention in support of the flotilla and the Palestinian cause. STRONGER TOGETHER The union said the Genoa meeting will open on Friday with internal talks among port delegations aimed at agreeing on an initial joint mobilization across European and Mediterranean ports. The following day, dockworker delegations will join a public meeting alongside other workers in the supply chain for transporting or producing war materials. That session will continue discussions on strikes against the loading and unloading of weapons. The unions involved carry significant weight in European shipping. Spain’s Coordinadora dominates dock labor in the country’s biggest ports. France’s CGT Port & Docks forms part of the country’s largest union confederation. In Greece and Cyprus, the participating unions are the dominant forces in Piraeus and Limassol. And in Morocco, the ODT represents dockworkers in Tangier — a vital gateway for Mediterranean trade. The Genoa gathering is the latest in a series of union actions aimed at curtailing arms traffic to Israel. In June, dockworkers in Marseille blocked a shipment of military materiel bound for Israel. In July, hundreds of people gathered at Piraeus — one of Europe’s largest ports — to stop a shipment of military-grade steel. “Everything that has happened has put our coordination in a new place,” Staccioli said. “The ports are now strategic battlegrounds — and we need a common stance and stronger coordination.”