BERLIN — Germany’s opposition Greens are pressuring Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s
government to launch an investigation into potential German links to the Epstein
files.
The demands come as several other large European countries have set up task
forces to investigate ties to the late convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
While the release of the files has shaken politics in the U.K., France and
beyond, German politicians and business leaders remain relatively unscathed.
That doesn’t mean an investigation is unwarranted, say the center-left Greens,
if only to instill confidence in the public that possible links to Epstein have
been fully probed.
“It is extremely irritating that while all the other countries around us are
taking action, pushing for clarification and taking measures, the German
government has so far remained largely indifferent,” Irene Mihalic and
Konstantin von Notz, senior lawmakers for the Greens, said in a joint written
statement to POLITICO.
“The government must take matters into its own hands and do its part to
investigate these truly horrific acts — for the sake of the victims, but also
for the security interests of our country.”
Green party leaders note that Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said earlier
this month that Warsaw would investigate whether any links exist between Epstein
and Russian secret services, including to establish whether still-active
European officials are at risk of blackmail. Tusk called the matter a serious
concern “for the security of the Polish state.”
The Greens, hawkish on Russia, say Germany should follow Warsaw’s example,
including by having domestic intelligence probe the matter.
“Investigative mandates or investigative needs are the responsibility of the
competent authorities,” Stefan Kornelius, Merz’s spokesperson, said last week in
response to a reporter’s question on whether Berlin would launch a special
investigation. “In this respect, the federal government has nothing to add to
the statements made so far on Epstein.”
In response to a yet-to-be published parliamentary inquiry from the Greens seen
by POLITICO, the German interior ministry said it was “currently reviewing
investigations” related to the Epstein files, and that it “does not comment
publicly on measures taken by security authorities.”
CONSPIRACY THEORIES PROLIFERATE
Green party leaders counter that the German public needs an open investigation
in order to counter proliferating online conspiracy theories related to the
Epstein files, many of them propagating antisemitic worldviews.
There was a “sustained surge” of antisemitic content across major social media
platforms following the U.S. Department of Justice’s latest drop of documents
related to Epstein and his crimes at the end of January, according to a study by
Democ, a Berlin-based nonprofit that researches anti-democratic movements. In
Germany, social media accounts associated with the extreme right have “adopted
and amplified” such conspiracy theories, the study says.
“If you leave it to others to explain and comment, conspiracy theories and
narratives will sprout up,” Mihalic and von Notz said in their statement to
POLITICO. “The federal government must finally counter such wild and sometimes
absurd speculation with decisive and transparent action.”
While no high-profile individuals in Germany have been directly connected to
Epstein, German companies have been linked to the financier — most notably
Deutsche Bank, which counted the convicted sex offender as a client.
Germany’s largest bank had said it would cut ties to Epstein at the end of 2018,
according to a Reuters report based on U.S. documents, but the institution only
cut those ties following Epstein’s arrest in July 2019, the report says.
“As repeatedly emphasized since 2020, the bank acknowledges its mistake in
accepting Jeffrey Epstein as a client in 2013,” Deutsche Bank said in a
statement sent to POLITICO. “Since then, the bank has invested substantially in
training, controls, and improving its operational processes, and has
significantly strengthened its controls to combat financial crime.”
“We deeply regret our business relationship with Epstein at that time.”
German lawmakers will discuss calls for an investigation during a Friday
parliamentary debate initiated by the Greens.
Tag - Financial crime/fraud
LONDON — The European Commission has referred disgraced British politician Peter
Mandelson to fraud investigators over his links to the convicted sex offender
Jeffrey Epstein.
The Commission is assessing whether Mandelson, a former EU trade commissioner,
broke the bloc’s rules after recently released files suggested he gave Epstein
information about a €500 billion bailout to save the euro in 2010.
A spokesperson for the European Commission told POLITICO: “Given the
circumstances, and the significant amount of documents made available publicly,
the European Commission also asked OLAF [the European anti-fraud office] on 18
February to look into the matter. Pending the ongoing assessment, we are not in
a position to comment further.”
Mandelson’s lawyers did not immediately respond to a request for comment. He has
previously said he was wrong to have continued his association with Epstein, who
died in 2019, and apologized “unequivocally” to Epstein’s victims. Mandelson has
said none of the Epstein emails released by the U.S. Department of Justice
“indicate wrongdoing or misdemeanor on my part.”
Mandelson served as a European commissioner between 2004 and 2008 and is now at
the center of a scandal that has rocked the government of Keir Starmer in
Britain.
Police arrested Mandelson on suspicion of misconduct in public office on Monday,
before releasing him on bail. Mandelson’s lawyers have previously said he is
cooperating with the U.K. police investigation, and that his overriding priority
is to “clear his name.”
Recently published files suggest Mandelson helped provide Epstein with
information about a €500 billion bailout to save the euro in 2010. Mandelson
was a senior British minister at the time and Epstein a financier.
The Commission has previously said that former Commissioners remain bound by
rules on ethical conduct.
ROME — Italy’s right-wing Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is taking a big gamble
by holding a referendum on judicial reform next month that could puncture her
aura of invincibility.
For now, Meloni looks like an unstoppable force in Rome and Brussels, leading
the most stable government Italy has seen in years.
That makes the March 22-23 referendum a high-stakes maneuver. A win would cement
her grip on power, and reinforce her image as politically invulnerable, but the
vote could equally backfire.
Referendums in Italy can easily morph into votes of confidence in the
government, and Meloni will be acutely aware that former Prime Minister Matteo
Renzi had to step down after a failed referendum on constitutional reform in
2016.
By seeking to overhaul the justice system, Meloni is venturing into one of
Italy’s most combustible arenas, laying herself open to accusations that she is
interfering in a fiercely independent judiciary, which right-wingers have often
attacked for leftist bias.
It’s a bitter debate with a long political heritage. Italy’s right is still
smarting over landmark corruption cases that purged the Christian Democrat
establishment in the 1990s and the ghost of Silvio Berlusconi, the former
playboy prime minister and billionaire media tycoon who died in 2023, looms
large over the vote. He complained that the 35 criminal cases against him were
motivated by left-wing judges and magistrates, whom he slammed as a “cancer of
democracy.”
For decades, however, most governments have been wary of major restructuring of
the legal system. But Meloni is now ready to move.
Her supporters say the reforms proposed in March’s referendum will modernize a
judicial system that is often criticized as slow, politicized and unaccountable,
bringing it more closely into step with other European models.
In practice, the changes sought are very technical. They address how judges and
prosecutors are governed, hired and disciplined, separating their career paths
and restructuring judicial oversight bodies.
By elevating those questions into a flagship cause and taking them to the ballot
box, Meloni has transformed this technical shake-up into a direct test of her
authority.
MODERNIZATION OR REVENGE?
For Vice Justice Minister Francesco Paolo Sisto, the reform is long overdue.
Disconnecting judges from prosecutors, he argued, would strengthen fairness and
public trust in the courts.
“A defendant who enters the courtroom knowing that his judge has no ties to the
prosecutor will be reassured,” Sisto told POLITICO. “I’ve never seen a referee
from the same city as one of the teams.”
For Vice Justice Minister Francesco Paolo Sisto, the reform is long overdue. |
Vincenzo Nuzzolese/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
Critics, however, see something more insidious. They reckon the reform looks
less like a neutral push for modernization, and more like an attempt to weaken
judicial independence and increase political control over prosecutors.
That perception is reinforced by the government’s increasingly confrontational
rhetoric toward the courts.
Defense Minister Guido Crosetto has accused parts of the judiciary of acting as
political “opposition” to the government, while Deputy Prime Minister Matteo
Salvini, who has repeatedly faced prosecution over his hard-line migration
policies, routinely casts judges as politically motivated and disconnected from
public sentiment.
Meloni herself has often framed judicial rulings as obstacles to her agenda. At
a January press conference, she blamed court decisions for undermining her
attempts to pass tougher law-and-order measures, asking: “How can one defend the
security of Italians if every initiative meant to do so is systematically
annulled by some judges?”
To her opponents, that is exactly the sort of language that fuels the impression
the reform is more about trying to assert dominance in a decades-long power
struggle rather than striving for courtroom efficiency.
Tension between Italy’s judicial and political classes dates back to the Mani
Pulite (Clean Hands) prosecutions of the early 1990s, when prosecutors exposed a
vast corruption network that wiped out an entire generation of politicians. On
the right, that purge hardened into a lasting grievance: The belief that the
judiciary is an unelected political actor, with unwarranted moral high standing.
That was only compounded by the seemingly endless legal sagas around Berlusconi.
Former prosecutor Piercamillo Davigo, who was part of the Mani Pulite team, has
no doubt the reform was a political attempt to tame the judiciary. “It’s an
attempt to control the judiciary as in Italy they are strong and really
independent, not ruled by politicians,” he told POLITICO. “This reform will be
damaging to independence and weaken [the] power of courts, giving government
more power as government controls the disciplinary court.”
Davigo rejected the government’s claim that judges obstructed policy for
political ends, arguing that courts were instead enforcing legal constraints,
including European law, on government initiatives such as plans to send migrants
to processing centers in Albania.
Opposition leaders echo that critique. Giuseppe Conte, leader of the populist
5Star Movement, said the reform did little to address chronic delays in the
justice system and instead formed part of a broader institutional power grab.
“The real goal is to divide and rule,” Conte told POLITICO, accusing the
government of seeking a justice system “that no longer disturbs those in
command.”
INVINCIBLE OR VULNERABLE?
The risk for Meloni is not legal or procedural, but political. Justice reform
pits Meloni against a vocal and well-organized constituency with deep roots in
the state. Similar proposals floated during Berlusconi’s first government in the
mid-1990s triggered protests and contributed to the collapse of his coalition.
Successors drew a lesson: avoid the fight.
Similar proposals floated during Silvio Berlusconi’s first government in the
mid-1990s triggered protests and contributed to the collapse of his coalition. |
Giorgio Cosulich/Getty Images
Meloni’s decision, unforced by Brussels, market pressure or crisis, can be
partly explained by her personal trajectory. She entered politics during the
upheaval of the 1990s, and carries no personal baggage from that era. She is
operating from a position of strength, leading a stable government and
canvassing well.
Polls suggest the gamble is finely balanced. Recent surveys show opponents of
the reform slightly ahead, though awareness of details remains low. A recent
poll by YouTrend forecast a win for opponents of the reform if turnout is low,
with 51 percent voting against, whereas with higher turnout, the supporters of
the reform would win, by a margin of 52.6 percent to 47.4 percent. A poll by SWG
found 38 percent of the electorate supported the reform versus 37 percent
against, with 25 percent undecided.
Lorenzo Pregliasco, of the YouTrend polling agency, described the vote as an
“unprecedented challenge” for Meloni. Mobilizing opposition, he noted, was often
easier than building support for a complex reform, and center-left voters have
historically been more reliable in turning out for referendums.
Meloni could attempt to politicize the vote, turning it into a plebiscite on her
leadership. But that strategy carries risks of its own. She has instead sought
to distance herself from the outcome, stressing that she would not resign in the
event of defeat.
Even so, she will have to take ownership of the result. “If you’re the prime
minister and you put a reform to a referendum, it’s inevitably also a vote on
your government,” Pregliasco said.
If she wins, the government could build on that momentum, and even attempt to
force early elections, according to political analysts and polling experts such
as Pregliasco. Meloni said in January that early elections “are not on her
radar.”
But equally the opposition could be revived by a defeat of the proposed reform,
opening up the field in elections scheduled for 2027. If Meloni loses, she would
no longer be seen as “invincible” said Pregliasco.
“Her image as an effective and decisive winner would be damaged, and the
political climate would change.”
PARIS — Jack Lang, a former French culture and education minister, tendered his
resignation from his position as the president of the Paris-based Arab World
Institute after the latest revelations about his and his family’s financial ties
to disgraced financier Jeffrey Epstein.
France’s Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot “took note of his resignation” and
launched the procedure to replace him, according to a statement dated Saturday.
Lang, who first acknowledged financial ties to Epstein in a 2020 interview with
POLITICO, was under mounting pressure after the prosecutor’s office for
financial crimes opened a preliminary investigation for suspected “laundering of
tax fraud proceeds” after French investigative outlet Mediapart reported the
existence of an offshore fund based in the Virgin Islands and jointly held by
Epstein and Lang’s daughter, Caroline Lang.
Caroline Lang was also to inherit $5 million in Epstein’s will, according to
Mediapart. Caroline Lang told the outlet that the fund was to support emerging
artists and that she knew nothing of the will.
“The accusations against me are inaccurate, and I will prove it, beyond the
noise and fury of the media and digital courts,” Lang said in his resignation
letter sent to Barrot. Contacted by POLITICO, Lang shared the resignation
letter.
In the latest wave of Epstein correspondence released by the U.S. Justice
Department, Lang appeared in a picture with Epstein outside of the Louvre, and
shared by Epstein with Steve Bannon, former chief strategist for U.S. President
Donald Trump.
“Now at the pyramid,” Epstein wrote in March 2019. “With the entire govt.”
Epstein, a convicted sex offender, and the Lang family maintained a close
relationship over the years, Jack Lang and his daughter admitted last week. Jack
Lang told POLITICO last week that he “never knew of Epstein’s crimes.”
Jack Lang, 86, is a well known name in French politics and history after having
served as culture minister under former President François Mitterrand in the
1980s and early 1990s, during which he initiated the renovation of the Louvre
and the construction of the pyramid. He also launched the Fête de la musique, a
fixture of France’s festive calendar celebrated on June 21.
BRUSSELS — Disgraced British politician Peter Mandelson is facing demands to be
stripped of his pension as a former European commissioner if investigators found
he broke EU rules over his contact with convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.
Mandelson served as a European commissioner between 2004 and 2008 and is now at
the center of a spiraling scandal in Britain. Newly released files showed how
Mandelson, who was a senior British minister at the time, helped provide
Epstein, then a financier, with information about a €500 billion bailout to save
the euro in 2010.
The European Commission is looking into whether Mandelson broke its rules, which
apply even after commissioners have left office, though ethics campaigners have
called for a full fraud inquiry by independent investigators. Mandelson should
lose the commissioner’s pension to which he is entitled if he’s found to have
breached the rules, the campaigners said.
“Given the severity of allegations concerning Peter Mandelson’s deplorable
relationship with Jeffrey Epstein, the European Commission and European
Anti-Fraud Office must pursue an immediate investigation to establish any
potential misconduct both during and beyond his tenure as European
Commissioner,” Nick Aiossa, director at Transparency International, a leading
anti-corruption campaign group, told POLITICO. “Should it do so, Mandelson must
be stripped of his Commissioner’s pension.”
Daniel Freund, a Green MEP from Germany, condemned the lack of action and
investigations against “the most powerful people on earth” over their links to
the disgraced financier. “That EU commissioners were somehow involved with this
universe is just outrageous,” he told POLITICO. “Taking away the pension would
be justified if he broke any EU rules.”
Mandelson, 72, was entitled to an inflation-linked pension reportedly worth
£31,000 a year when he turned 65 for his four years as a European commissioner.
This is on top of other any pensions from his time as an elected politician in
the U.K. and in other roles.
Mandelson did not immediately respond to a request for comment. He has
previously said he was wrong to have continued his association with Epstein and
apologized “unequivocally” to Epstein’s victims.
In a statement, the EU’s anti-fraud office, known as OLAF, said: “We cannot
provide details regarding cases which OLAF may or may not be treating. This is
to protect the confidentiality of any possible investigations and of possible
ensuing judicial proceedings, as well as to ensure respect for personal data and
procedural rights.”
In London, Britain’s Health Secretary Wes Streeting said Mandelson should lose
the severance payment he was entitled to when his career as U.K. ambassador to
the United States ended over the Epstein scandal. Speaking to Times Radio,
Streeting also suggested Mandelson could potentially be stripped of related
pension entitlements.
The opposition Reform UK party said Mandelson should lose the pension he’s
entitled to receive as a former government minister.
Noah Keate contributed to this report.
BRUSSELS — Senior European Commission officials hardly ever get the sack. On
Thursday, one did.
That was the twist in a tale that up until that moment had been classically
Brussels. The protagonist: A little-known bureaucrat who had spent two decades
working in the EU civil service. The allegations: Taking expensive gifts that
aroused suspicions over conflicts of interest.
“After nearly 22 years at the Commission, I am obviously disappointed,” Henrik
Hololei told POLITICO only hours after he was informed of the decision. “But I’m
happy that this long process has finally come to a conclusion.”
While commissioners, the EU’s 27 political appointees, have been known to fall
on their swords, there are few precedents for the dismissal of such a
high-ranking civil servant, two senior officials familiar with the inner
workings of the Commission said. Neither of the officials, who have several
decades of EU experience between them, could remember any previous examples.
Like other people interviewed for this article, they were granted anonymity so
they could speak freely about Hololei and his downfall.
The “long process” Hololei described totaled three years. It was in 2023 that
POLITICO first revealed that the Estonian, who was then the EU’s top transport
official, had accepted free flights from Qatar at the same time as negotiating a
transport deal with the Gulf state that was beneficial to the country’s
airline.
It couldn’t have come at a more inauspicious time. The initial reports emerged
just a few months after the so-called Qatargate corruption scandal in the
European Parliament, named after one of the countries linked to allegedly
offering cash and gifts in return for favors. Hololei was not involved in that
affair, but it added fuel to the argument from politicians and transparency
campaigners that the EU needed to clean up its act.
He resigned from his job within a month but didn’t leave the Commission. Soon
after, he became special adviser in its international partnership division.
The following year, French newspaper Libération reported additional allegations,
including that he exchanged confidential details of the Qatar aviation deal in
return for gifts for himself and others, including stays in a five-star hotel in
Doha. This led to a probe by the EU’s Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF), which in turn
led to the Commission’s investigation.
On Thursday, the Commission announced that a senior official had breached the EU
institution’s rules. These concerned conflicts of interest, gift acceptance and
disclosures, according to three officials with knowledge of the investigation.
They later confirmed the person in question was Hololei.
‘A LEGEND’
By his own admission, Hololei is a colorful character. Belying the clichéd image
of a faceless bureaucrat, he’s known to do business over a drink or two. Michael
O’Leary, the outspoken CEO of Irish airline Ryanair, who shared the occasional
tipple with him, told POLITICO in 2023 that Hololei was “terrific.”
His colleagues are just as glowing. On Thursday, a lower-ranking official who
worked with him at the Commission described him as a “legend,” while a former
transport lobbyist recalled seeing selfies of him holding up beers with industry
representatives.
“The feeling is they’re making an example of him,” said a person who works in
the aviation field and met him during the course of his work. “He was
undoubtedly passionate and determined to make EU transport better. He was a guy
who just enjoyed the position he had. He was a people person.”
Hololei talks to Czech Transport Minister Martin Kupka at the European Transport
Ministerial Meeting in Prague in 2022. Colleagues and industry figures might
mourn the departure of a gregarious, engaging figure, | Martin Divisek/EPA
What ultimately led to his dismissal was an investigation by IDOC, the
Commission’s internal disciplinary body, the result of which is not public.
IDOC’s conclusions were shared with a disciplinary committee made up of staffers
who have equal or superior rank to Hololei — a relatively small pool given his
seniority. Following a series of interviews with Hololei, the committee sent its
recommendation to the College of Commissioners for a final vote. That decision
was taken in the past few days.
‘LONG OVERDUE’
While colleagues and those in the industry might mourn the departure of a
gregarious, engaging figure, European propriety campaigners are less
sympathetic.
“It’s almost three years to the day since revelations of Mr. Hololei’s
impropriety broke,” said Shari Hinds, senior policy officer at Transparency
International, an accountability-focused NGO. “Though long overdue, it is
encouraging that the European Commission finally appears to be dealing out
consequences proportionate to the gravity of these ethics violations.”
Hololei, 55, who had taken a pay cut when he moved to the role of hors classe
adviser from DG MOVE, as the transport department is known, will receive his
pension from the Commission when he reaches retirement age.
He has three months to lodge a complaint against the decision with the
Commission.
“Good to see there is an actual reaction,” said Daniel Freund, a Green member of
the European Parliament, who campaigns on issues of accountability in the EU
institutions. “So far, so good.”
‘MUCH MISSED’
A decade in Estonian politics — where he largely focused on European affairs —
preceded his time at the Commission, starting in the cabinet of then-Estonian
Commissioner Siim Kallas, the father of current EU foreign policy chief, Kaja
Kallas, before moving into transport.
It was in that role he became a “very much-loved boss,” according to the person
who worked with him. “Even now he is still very much missed in DG MOVE. He was a
good person to be around.”
In the comments Hololei gave to POLITICO on Thursday afternoon, he was as
gracious as so often described by those who know him. But in the end, the
personality traits that endeared him to so many he worked with, in the
Commission and in industry, weren’t enough to save his job.
Listen on
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Brussels was jolted this week by dawn raids and an alleged fraud probe involving
current and former senior EU diplomats.
Host Sarah Wheaton speaks with Zoya Sheftalovich — a longtime Brussels Playbook
editor who has just returned from Australia to begin her new role as POLITICO’s
chief EU correspondent — and with Max Griera, our European Parliament reporter,
to unpack what we know so far, what’s at stake for Ursula von der Leyen, and
where the investigation may head next.
Then, with Zoya staying in the studio, we’re joined by Senior Climate
Correspondent Karl Mathiesen, Trade and Competition Editor Doug Busvine and
Defense Editor Jan Cienski to take stock of the Commission’s first year — marked
by this very bumpy week. We look at competitiveness, climate, defense and the
fast-shifting global landscape — and our panel delivers its score for von der
Leyen’s team.
BRUSSELS — Ursula von der Leyen is separating herself from the corruption
allegations engulfing the EU’s diplomatic service, with staffers saying it is a
non-issue for the Commission chief.
After Belgian authorities conducted dawn raids on Tuesday and detained the EU’s
former top diplomat Federica Mogherini and ex-European External Action Service
Secretary-General Stefano Sannino, Commission officials dismissed it as an EEAS
problem — noting that while Sannino took on a top job at the Commission earlier
this year, the probe dates back to his previous role.
“It’s not the Commission distancing itself, it’s a different institution that’s
being investigated,” an EU official said.
Helpfully for von der Leyen, Sannino fell on his sword Wednesday, with the
Commission announcing he was gone from the helm of its Middle East, North Africa
and the Gulf department (DG MENA).
Three Commission officials forcefully argued the investigation launched Tuesday
— into allegations the EEAS fraudulently awarded a tender to run a training
academy for future EU diplomats to the College of Europe in Bruges — had nothing
to do with von der Leyen, given the diplomatic service is a separate institution
from the Commission.
An EU official characterized attacks on the Commission chief as unfair and
unwise, coming at a sensitive time when von der Leyen is attempting to shore up
support for Ukraine ahead of a crunch December summit of EU leaders.
The events take place against the backdrop of tensions between von der Leyen and
the current boss of the EEAS, Kaja Kallas.
Kallas, who was not in office at the time of the alleged corruption, has also
sought to distance herself from the probe. On Wednesday, the former Estonian
prime minister sought to drive home the idea that she had been working to clean
up the EEAS since her appointment as the EU’s high representative in December
2024.
In a letter to EEAS staff seen by POLITICO, the top EU diplomat wrote that she
found the allegations against Mogherini and Sannino “deeply shocking,” but that
these had predated her time at the EEAS. In the months since then, her team had
launched internal reforms including setting up an “Anti-Fraud Strategy” and
building stronger cooperation with the EU’s anti-fraud agency, OLAF, and the
EPPO, she said.
But at issue is who knew what in relation to the claims against Sannino.
According to four EEAS employees, speaking to POLITICO in interviews prior to
Tuesday’s raids, wider questions were raised about the way Sannino handled
appointments for coveted diplomatic posts during his time at the service,
including allegations that he had awarded them to favorites.
Officials from OLAF visited the secretary-general’s offices prior to his
departure from the EEAS, according to two people familiar with the matter.
Kaja Kallas, who was not in office at the time of the alleged corruption, has
also sought to distance herself from the probe. | Dursun Aydemir/Getty Images
But an EU official said the Commission was not aware of prior complaints about
Sannino when he was hired to be the head of a new department covering the Middle
East and North Africa.
In its statement announcing Tuesday’s raids, the EPPO said it had requested that
authorities lift the immunity ― typically given to diplomats, protecting them
from legal action ― of “several suspects” prior to the probe, and that this was
granted. It did not specify which bodies it had made the requests to.
The EU official mentioned above said the EPPO had directed a request to lift
Sannino’s immunity to the EEAS in September, and that the Commission had not
been made aware of it.
An EEAS official did not respond directly to a question about whether such a
request had been received. The official said the EEAS would have followed the
law in such circumstances.
The allegations are not proven and Mogherini, Sannino and the other individual
who was detained are presumed innocent until deemed guilty by a court.
Sannino did not immediately respond to a request for comment via his European
Commission office.
Tuesday’s events could also aggravate tensions between EU politicians and
Belgian authorities. Two officials questioned the quality of the Belgian justice
system, noting that authorities had held flashy press conference and detained
suspects but then failed to advance cases in the 2022 “Qatargate” scandal and
this year’s bribery probe into Chinese tech giant Huawei’s lobbying activities.
BRUSSELS ― Belgian police raided the EU’s foreign service and the College of
Europe on Tuesday in a bombshell corruption probe — and detained two of the EU’s
most powerful officials.
Federica Mogherini, who once served as the EU’s top diplomat, and Stefano
Sannino, a director-general in the European Commission, were questioned over
allegations of fraud in the establishment of a training academy for diplomats.
Mogherini was born in Rome, the daughter of a film set designer. She was elected
to the Italian parliament in 2008 as an MP with the center-left Democratic Party
and became Italy’s foreign minister in 2014, an appointment that, at the time,
took many by surprise.
The 52-year-old’s tenure was short-lived, as she was made the EU’s high
representative — the foreign policy chief — the same year, a position she held
until 2019. Her time in the job is perhaps most notable for her work on the 2015
Iran nuclear deal.
At the end of her five-year term, she became the rector of the Bruges-based
College of Europe, a position she’s been in ever since. But her appointment was
mired in claims of cronyism, as professors and EU officials argued that she was
not qualified for the post, did not meet the criteria and applied after the
deadline.
She has also served as the director of the EU Diplomatic Academy, a program for
junior diplomats across EU countries that is run by the College of Europe, since
August 2022.
It’s the academy that is at the center of the probe. The European Public
Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) said it has “strong suspicions” that rules around
“fair competition” were breached when the EEAS awarded the tender to set up the
academy.
Sannino, a career diplomat from Naples with a packed CV including various roles
in Rome and Brussels, has served as director-general of DG Enlargement,
permanent representative of Italy to the EU, Italian ambassador to Spain and
Andorra and secretary-general of the European External Action Service (EEAS).
He has championed LGBTQ+ rights and is married to Catalan political adviser
Santiago Mondragón.
He started his current role as director-general of DG MENA, the EU’s department
for the Middle East, North Africa and the Gulf, in February. He has lectured at
the College of Europe and at the diplomatic academy.
None of the people questioned has been charged. An investigative judge has 48
hours to decide on further action.
BRUSSELS — Platforms including Meta and TikTok will be held liable for financial
fraud for the first time under new rules agreed by EU lawmakers in the early
hours of Thursday.
The Parliament and Council agreed on the package of rules after eight hours of
negotiations to strengthen safeguards against payment fraud. The deal adds
another layer of EU regulatory risk for U.S. tech giants, which have lobbied the
White House to confront Brussels’ anti-monopoly and content moderation rules.
“This is a big win. A big, big step forward. We are coming from a reality where
platforms are not liable under any law,” Morten Løkkegaard, the Danish Renew MEP
who shepherded part of the package through Parliament, told POLITICO. “It is a
historical moment.”
Social media has become rife with financial scams, and MEPs pushed hard to hold
both Big Tech and banks liable during legislative negotiations. EU governments,
meanwhile, believed banks should be held responsible if their safeguards aren’t
strong enough.
As a compromise, lawmakers agreed that banks should reimburse victims if a
scammer, impersonating the bank, swindles them out of their money, or if
payments are processed without consent.
But social media companies will have to compensate banks if it’s clear that they
failed to remove an online scam that had been reported.
Some MEPs had called for more amid concerns that EU consumer safeguards on
social platforms have proven insufficient. “Especially, as AI and
social-engineering fuel an unprecedented rise in scams,” said Lithuanian Greens
lawmaker Virginijus Sinkevičius.
The new rules build on the EU’s Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets
Act, which respectively limit the spread of illegal content and prevent large
online platforms, such as Google, Amazon and Meta, from overextending their
online empires.
Breaching the DSA and DMA can come with huge fines, triggering pushback from the
tech sector and U.S. President Donald Trump, who has accused the EU of
discriminating against American companies. U.S. Secretary of Commerce Howard
Lutnick has threatened to keep 50 percent tariffs on European exports of steel
and aluminum unless the EU loosens its digital rules.
Thursday’s deal triggered immediate criticism from the tech industry.
“This convoluted framework undermines simplification efforts and conflicts with
the Digital Services Act’s ban on general monitoring — ignoring multiple studies
warning it will be counterproductive,” said CCIA Europe Policy Manager Leonardo
Veneziani, whose trade body represents Amazon, Google, Meta and Apple.
“Instead of protecting consumers, today’s outcome sets a dangerous precedent and
shifts responsibility away from those best placed to prevent fraud,” he said.