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Der letzte Koalitionsausschuss des Jahres bringt Bewegung aber auch neue
Bruchlinien. Die Regierung einigt sich auf ein großes
Infrastruktur-Zukunftsgesetz, das Autobahnen, Schienen und Wasserstraßen
schneller voranbringen soll. Verfahren werden verkürzt, Umweltprüfungen
gestrafft, Projekte als „überragendes öffentliches Interesse“ eingestuft.
Beim Heizungsthema bleibt es dagegen beim Stillstand. Die Rentenreform nimmt
Form an und bei der Ukraine-Unterstützung setzt die Koalition auf die Nutzung
eingefrorener russischer Vermögen. Eine Entscheidung wird kommende Woche
erwartet, möglicherweise flankiert von einem weiteren Treffen mit Selenskyj in
Berlin.
Ein Update über Baustreit, Haushaltsdruck und eine Koalition, die kurz vor
Weihnachten Geschlossenheit demonstriert – und doch vor einem schwierigen Jahr
2026 steht.
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
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Tag - Pensions
BERLIN — German lawmakers passed a much-debated pension package through
parliament on Friday, ending an internal dispute that had threatened to
undermine Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s coalition government mere months after
taking office.
The vote came after a group of 18 young conservative lawmakers threatened to
block the package, arguing current pension benefits are unsustainable. Merz’s
relatively weak coalition, consisting of his conservative bloc and the
center-left Social Democratic Party (SPD), only has a narrow majority of 12
lawmakers, making it vulnerable to even modest defections in the ranks.
Ultimately, most of the young conservatives supported the legislation to avoid
weakening Merz’s coalition government. In order to win their backing, Merz had
pledged to undertake a more sweeping reform of the pension system as early as
next year.
“This is not the end of our pension policy,” Merz said in a statement after the
vote. “It’s only the beginning.”
Earlier this week, Germany’s far-left Die Linke (The Left) party announced its
lawmakers would abstain from the vote, effectively ensuring its passage by
reducing the overall number of votes needed to pass the pension legislation.
Still, Merz continued to try to secure the support of young conservatives in
order to avoid the politically damaging impression that his coalition was
dependent on indirect far-left support to get the package over the line.
Ultimately, only seven members of Merz’s conservative bloc voted against the
package, giving the conservative leader a so-called chancellor’s majority.
Still, the harder task of more comprehensive pension reform as early as next
year now looms over the coalition government. Merz will have to balance the
demands of his center-left coalition partners in the SPD to maintain many
benefits with young conservatives who believe current benefit levels cannot be
sustained.
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Die Abstimmung über das Rentenpaket endet mit einer Kanzlermehrheit. Das
Ergebnis fällt klarer aus als erwartet und erspart der Regierung eine
Niederlage. Rixa Fürsen und Rasmus Buchsteiner erklären, wie knapp die Lage im
Vorfeld war und es geht um die Folgen des Tages. Für Merz bleiben Spuren, denn
die Debatte hat Vertrauen gekostet. Gleichzeitig wird klar, dass es nicht die
letzte Kraftprobe bleiben wird. Schon die Reform der Schuldenbremse könnte die
nächste sein.
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
hintergründig.
Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis:
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Der Bundestag entscheidet heute über das Rentenpaket. Die Abstimmung ist der
Höhepunkt eines langen Streits, der die Koalition stark belastet hat. Gordon
Repinski und Karina Mößbauer, Chefreporterin Politik bei The Pioneer sowie Host
des Podcasts ‘Hauptstadt – Das Briefing’ ordnen ein, wie viel politisches
Kapital die Regierung in diese Entscheidung gesteckt hat, warum die
Kanzlermehrheit zu einem entscheidenden Symbol geworden ist und wie die jüngsten
Signale aus den Fraktionen zu deuten sind .
Im Mittelpunkt steht die Frage, ob die Koalition überhaupt noch reformfähig ist.
Die Junge Gruppe der Union hat mit ihrem Widerstand die Debatte verändert,
gleichzeitig aber erlebt, wie viel Druck in entscheidenden Momenten entsteht.
Mößbauer erklärt, wie sich CDU, CSU und SPD in dieser Lage bewegen und warum
viele der Versäumnisse dieser Woche während der Koalitionsverhandlungen
entstanden sind.
Zudem richtet sich der Blick auf die politische Stimmung im Land. Trotz großer
wirtschaftlicher und geopolitischer Herausforderungen bleibt die Regierung im
Klein-Klein hängen.
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
hintergründig.
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www.politico.eu
LONDON — Britain’s Treasury unveiled a provisional licensing authorization
regime for start-up financial firms, allowing them to start operating before
they get full authorization from the Financial Conduct Authority.
The move comes as part of the British government’s deregulatory push to try and
encourage growth in the U.K.’s sizable financial services and start-up industry.
Speaking at POLITICO’s Financial Services forum Thursday, City Minister Lucy
Rigby said U.K. start-ups that don’t yet meet the “onerous” conditions for
formal authorization under the Financial Services and Markets Act would be “be
able to obtain a provisional license.”
However, Rigby stressed that firms will still need to meet some qualifications
to receive the licenses, stating: “We are maintaining standards which we believe
are vital for consumer protection.”
“It will enable them to grow, to be able to secure the further investments that
we know that they will need to be able to grow,” she added.
It’s the latest sign that the British government is aiming to ease the
regulatory rulebook in the U.K. in a bid to spur growth. Prime minister Keir
Starmer wrote to the Financial Conduct Authority last year ordering them to
produce a list of pro-growth initiatives that could be implemented by the
regulator.
TREASURY DOESN’T WANT TO ‘RUSH’ ON PENSION CHANGES
Speaking at the forum just a week after a headline-grabbing and chaotic U.K.
budget, Rigby was also grilled on whether the financial services industry will
have the chance to press for changes to some of its more unpopular policies.
Rigby said “a huge part of [her] role” involves listening to feedback from the
financial sector, “because I think that’s how you ultimately get to the best
results, and certainly how you get to things that will actually work.”
Several policies announced in the budget, such as a cut to salary sacrifice
limits for pension savers, are not due to come into effect until 2029, which has
left some in the pension sector hopeful that changes can still be made.
“It’s critical that there is sufficient time spent working with industry on the
detail of exactly how this is going to operate, and we definitely do not want to
rush that,” Rigby said.
The City minister also addressed Chancellor Rachel Reeves’ decision not to hike
taxes on banks at last week’s budget, saying the government wanted “to see the
U.K. staying competitive globally and indeed, becoming more competitive.”
The EU will on Thursday unveil plans to supercharge its finance industry,
tearing up swathes of rules in a bid to take on Wall Street.
The package, which is massive in scope and ambition, would amend at least 10
financial laws to crack down on protectionism and unclog the EU’s financial
plumbing.
But Brussels’ ambitions to create a U.S.-style financial market will reopen
political wounds, especially its plan to create a powerful EU watchdog for
financial markets. Despite the bloc’s urgent need for private investment,
progress could be bogged down by political divisions over the strategy.
“If we’re stuck in a never-ending discussion about how to organize supervision …
that will not take us closer to our objective,” Swedish Minister for Financial
Markets Niklas Wykman said.
The Commission’s overarching goal is to remove barriers to investment in the
bloc, allowing more money to flow to struggling businesses so the EU can better
keep up with economic powerhouses like the U.S. and China. With national budgets
under strain from a bruising pandemic and years of inflation, Brussels is hoping
to unlock €11 trillion in cash savings held by EU citizens in their bank
accounts to breathe life into the economy.
It plans to do that by breaking down technical barriers and busting
protectionism between the EU’s 27 national money markets, as well as by changing
rules that create national barriers to finance flows and by creating a powerful
EU watchdog for financial markets.
The EU’s finance chief, Maria Luís Albuquerque, who has led work on the revamp,
told POLITICO in an interview: “It’s going to be a difficult discussion, of
course, but these are the ones worth having, right?” | Dursun Aydemir/Anadolu
via Getty Images
Some capitals, though, view the proposal as a power grab and are determined to
keep oversight of financial markets at the national level. And there are other
tweaks in the package that will dredge up painful recent debates over issues
like crypto rules or trading data.
Countries are already warning that the Commission should keep its nose out of
their business. Sweden, the EU’s best-in-class country for financial markets,
has warned the EU executive not to interfere with any rules but instead to focus
on boosting the appetite of EU citizens to invest in products like stocks and
bonds, rather than parking their cash in savings accounts.
Supervision is “not the problem and it’s not the solution to the problem,”
Wykman told POLITICO.
Among other ideas the Commission was mulling ahead of the official publication —
according to documents seen by POLITICO — are a stronger EU-wide public ‘ticker
tape’ of trading data, an expanded pilot program for decentralized finance to
include all products and crypto firms, and a reduction in paperwork to make it
easier to sell investment funds across the EU.
The plans are sure to please some industry players, like stock exchanges or
central securities-depositary groups that operate in multiple EU countries. But
they will also inevitably be opposed by others, such as asset managers who are
reluctant to be subject to increased EU oversight, or stock exchanges that don’t
want to see their pricey trading data services undercut by a stronger public EU
ticker tape.
The technical shifts, plus the idea of an EU-wide watchdog, are ambitious but
are also reminders of how limited the Commission’s powers are compared those
deployed by EU countries at the national level.
The Commission can’t make game-changing reforms in areas like national pensions,
taxation or insolvency law for businesses, all of which are major obstacles to a
single money market. Nor will many national governments spend the political
capital needed to make domestic reforms for the sake of the EU economy.
Nonetheless, the Commission is sticking to its guns. The EU’s finance chief,
Maria Luís Albuquerque, who has led work on the revamp, told POLITICO in an
interview: “It’s going to be a difficult discussion, of course, but these are
the ones worth having, right?”
BERLIN — German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s conservative-led coalition received
an unsolicited political lifeline from an unlikely place — but it comes at a
cost.
Germany’s far-left Die Linke ― The Left ― party on Wednesday announced that its
lawmakers will abstain from a vote on a pension package set for Friday, a move
that effectively assures the package will pass and potentially saves Merz from a
humiliation that would have further undermined his already-weak coalition
government.
The announcement from far-left leaders came as Merz was attempting to quell a
rebellion by 18 young lawmakers inside his own conservative bloc who argue that
current pension benefits aren’t sustainable. Because Merz’s coalition has a
narrow parliamentary majority of only 12 votes, passage of the pension package
had remained in doubt.
The Left’s leaders said they were acting not to help the coalition, but rather
to protect pensioners from cuts.
Conservatives “have been playing power games at the expense of millions of
pensioners across the country,” The Left’s parliamentary group leader Heidi
Reichinnek said in a statement. “It is absolutely disgraceful that the
conservative bloc does not even allow pensioners to have butter on their bread.”
The Left’s decision to abstain bails Merz out of an immediate political mess
that casted doubt on the ability of his coalition — an ideologically divergent
alliance between Merz’s conservatives and the center-left Social Democratic
Party (SPD) — to pass key legislation just several months after taking office.
Johannes Winkel, a young conservative lawmaker, said in an online post that he
intended to vote against the pension package on Friday. | John Macdougal/Getty
Images
At the same time, The Left’s unsolicited help is an embarrassment of its own
kind, creating the politically damaging impression that Merz’s coalition
required the support of far-left foes his party views as too radical to work
with.
Should The Left’s 64 lawmakers follow through on the vow to abstain in the
Bundestag on Friday, it will bring down overall number of votes coalition
lawmakers need to pass the pension legislation, providing indirect help.
In a kind of face-saving measure, conservative leaders continue to try to secure
support of the young conservative rebels for the pension package. Yet, on
Wednesday, it was still unclear whether the effort would bear fruit.
Coalition leaders last Friday announced a compromise on pensions — agreeing to
weigh far more sweeping reforms as early as next year — that they had hoped
would assuage the concerns of young conservatives. But many continue to reject
the immediate pension package.
Johannes Winkel, a young conservative lawmaker, said in an online post that he
intended to vote against the pension package on Friday.
“Germany urgently needs reforms because demographic change will have an
unprecedented impact on public finances,” he said. “Intergenerational justice
finally requires practical decisions instead of symbolic politics.”
Rasmus Buchsteiner contributed reporting.
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Kurz vor der entscheidenden Rentenabstimmung verschieben sich die
Mehrheitsverhältnisse dramatisch: Die Linke kündigt an, sich zu enthalten und
könnte damit das Rentenpaket retten. Doch in der Unionsfraktion bleibt die Lage
angespannt. Zwischen junger Gruppe, Zweiflern und einem verärgerten
Parlamentskreis Mittelstand wächst der Druck auf Friedrich Merz und Jens Spahn,
eine eigene Mehrheit sicherzustellen.
Rixa Fürsen und Rasmus Buchsteiner berichten direkt aus dem Bundestag über eine
Fraktion im Ausnahmezustand: taktische Überlegungen, Galgenhumor, Nervosität auf
den Fluren und die Frage, ob ein Sieg mithilfe der Linken nicht zum politischen
Bumerang für die Koalition wird.
Außerdem: In Brüssel legt die EU-Kommission zugleich erstmals einen
detaillierten Plan vor, wie 165 Milliarden Euro aus eingefrorenen russischen
Vermögen für die Ukraine genutzt werden können. Doch Belgien blockiert weiter
und für Europa wird die Zeit knapp.
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
hintergründig.
Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis:
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Die Union kämpft um ihre Mehrheit beim Rentenpaket. In der Fraktion wurde am
Dienstag deutlich, wie brüchig die Unterstützung in der Fraktion ist. Gordon
Repinski und Rasmus Buchsteiner ordnen ein, wie viele Abweichler sich in der
Union abzeichnen, wie man sie umstimmen will und weshalb Merz und Co. dennoch
auf eine knappe Zustimmung setzen.
Im 200-Sekunden-Interview erklärt Johannes Steiniger, CDU-Generalsekretär in
Rheinland-Pfalz und früheres Mitglied der Jungen Gruppe, warum er trotz
inhaltlicher Kritik zustimmen will. Er spricht über Verantwortung, die Grenzen
der Kompromissbereitschaft und die Frage, wie die Koalition danach weitermachen
kann.
Anschließend geht es um ein mögliches nächstes Konfliktfeld. Das
Tariftreuegesetz sorgt für die nächsten Spannungen mit der SPD. Carlotta
Diederich schildert, warum die Entwürfe im Parlament hängen, welche Rolle
Arbeitgeber und Gewerkschaften spielen und wie knapp der Zeitplan vor
Jahreswechsel wird.
Zum Schluss ein Blick auf den FC Bundestag. Vom Jahresempfang berichtet Rixa
Fürsen und sie spricht mit dem möglichen Trainer bei der Parlaments-EM, Felix
Magath.
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
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PARIS — A generational reckoning is brewing in Paris and Berlin, where a new
wave of younger politicians is putting pensioners on notice: The system is
buckling and can’t hold unless retirees do more to help fix it.
Culture, language and local politics may add a distinct flavor to each debate,
but the European Union’s two biggest economies are dealing with the same issue —
how to pay for the soaring costs associated with the retirement of baby
boomers.
The problem is both demographic and financial. Declining birthrates mean there
aren’t enough young people to offset the boom in retirees at a time when
economic growth is sluggish, salaries have stagnated
and purchasing power isn’t evolving at the same rate as it did
for previous generations.
And with the cost of real estate skyrocketing, young people feel that buying a
home and other opportunities afforded to their parents’ generation are
increasingly out of reach.
With budgets already strapped thanks to priorities such as rearmament in the
face of Russian aggression, reindustrialization and the green transition, a
growing number of young politicians from the center to the right of the
political spectrum are calling out retirees for not contributing to the
solution.
Some lawmakers in Germany, like 34-year-old Johannes Winkel, are calling for
greater “intergenerational justice.” The 38-year-old French MP Guillaume
Kasbarian is going a step further, arguing France should rethink its
pay-as-you-go system — similar to Germany’s — in which current workers fund
retirees’ pensions through taxes.
The 38-year-old French MP Guillaume Kasbarian is going a step further, arguing
France should rethink its pay-as-you-go system — similar to Germany’s — in which
current workers fund retirees’ pensions through taxes. | Amaury Cornu/Hans
Lucas/AFP via Getty Images
Targeting pensioners is a politically dangerous proposition. They are a reliable
voting constituency, heading to the ballot box in greater numbers than younger
generations — and they lean centrist. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s
conservative bloc got an estimated 43 percent of the vote among people aged 70
and above in February’s general election, and older voters helped Macron secure
reelection in 2022.
French Budget Minister Amélie de Montchalin told lawmakers last month that
she didn’t “want to trigger a generation war” over the government’s fiscal plans
for next year.
But she — and her counterparts across the Rhine — may not have a choice.
‘FAIR TO ALL GENERATIONS’
Lawmakers in France are sparring this week over a highly contentious plan to
freeze inflation adjustments on pension payments next year, part of a
wide-ranging effort to trim billions of euros from the budget and get the
deficit below 5 percent of gross domestic product.
The debate in France echoes similar conversations in Germany, where Winkel is
among a group of young conservatives who rebelled against a pension reform
package put forth by Merz’s government, saying current benefits for older people
are too generous and asking for a plan that is “fair to all generations.”
A group of leading economists argued in an op-ed in German newspaper
Handelsblatt that Merz’s proposed pension package would be “to the detriment of
the younger generation, who are already under increasing financial pressure.”
The leaders of Germany’s coalition set out to resolve the dispute last week,
with Merz vowing to take on a second, more far-reaching set of pension reforms
as early as next year.
Winkel is among a group of young conservatives who rebelled against a pension
reform package put forth by Merz’s government, saying current benefits for older
people are too generous and asking for a plan that is “fair to all
generations.” | Photo by Nadja Wohlleben/Getty Images
But it’s unclear whether that proposal has appeased all young conservatives. In
a letter this week, the group said its 18 lawmakers would decide individually
how they will vote on the immediate pension package, which is set to go for a
vote on Friday. Every vote will matter, as Merz’s fragile coalition has a
majority of only 12 parliamentarians.
On Tuesday, Merz’s center-right bloc held a test vote to see if there was enough
conservative support to pass the pension reform package. The results of the
internal vote were unclear.
Opinion surveys in Germany and France show that much of the public favors
protecting existing pension systems and benefits. Leftist parties in both
countries have also strongly pushed back against measures that would freeze or
lower pension benefits, arguing that the public pension system is a core element
of social cohesion.
But intergenerational cracks are emerging.
“Measures on pensions show a generational cleavage: They are massively rejected
by pensioners but supported by nearly one out of two in the younger generation
(18-24),” according to an analysis from French pollster Elabe published in
October.
In another poll from Odoxa, a small majority of working-age people in France
agreed that current pensioners are “better off because they were able to leave
earlier than those still working.”
KEY DIFFERENCES
There are key differences between France and Germany, however.
Pension benefits in France are far more generous than in Germany, and help keep
the poverty rate among people aged 65 and above lower than that of the general
population.
The opposite is true in Germany, where the over-65 population is worse off than
those younger than 65, in part because public pensions became
comparatively lower after pension reforms passed in the 2000s.
Ultimately, however, demographics and economics vary so much from one generation
to another that it’s almost impossible to make a pension system “fair,”
according to Arnaud Lechevalier, an economist at the Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne
University.
The idea that each generation can have the same return on investment on their
working-aged contributions is, in Lechevalier’s words, “a deeply stupid idea.”