A fair, fast and competitive transition begins with what already works and then rapidly scales it up.  Across the EU commercial road transport sector, the diversity of operations is met with a diversity of solutions. Urban taxis are switching to electric en masse. Many regional coaches run on advanced biofuels, with electrification emerging in smaller applications such as school services, as European e-coach technologies are still maturing and only now beginning to enter the market. Trucks electrify rapidly where operationally and financially possible, while others, including long-haul and other hard-to-electrify segments, operate at scale on HVO (hydrotreated vegetable oil) or biomethane, cutting emissions immediately and reliably. These are real choices made every day by operators facing different missions, distances, terrains and energy realities, showing that decarbonization is not a single pathway but a spectrum of viable ones.  Building on this diversity, many operators are already modernizing their fleets and cutting emissions through electrification. When they can control charging, routing and energy supply, electric vehicles often deliver a positive total cost of ownership (TCO), strong reliability and operational benefits. These early adopters prove that electrification works where the enabling conditions are in place, and that its potential can expand dramatically with the right support. > Decarbonization is not a single pathway but a spectrum of viable ones chosen > daily by operators facing real-world conditions. But scaling electrification faces structural bottlenecks. Grid capacity is constrained across the EU, and upgrades routinely take years. As most heavy-duty vehicle charging will occur at depots, operators cannot simply move around to look for grid opportunities. They are bound to the location of their facilities.  The recently published grid package tries, albeit timidly, to address some of these challenges, but it neither resolves the core capacity deficiencies nor fixes the fundamental conditions that determine a positive TCO: the predictability of electricity prices, the stability of delivered power, and the resulting charging time. A truck expected to recharge in one hour at a high-power station may wait far longer if available grid power drops. Without reliable timelines, predictable costs and sufficient depot capacity, most transport operators cannot make long-term investment decisions. And the grid is only part of the enabling conditions needed: depot charging infrastructure itself requires significant additional investment, on top of vehicles that already cost several hundreds of thousands of euros more than their diesel equivalents.  This is why the EU needs two things at once: strong enablers for electrification and hydrogen; and predictability on what the EU actually recognizes as clean. Operators using renewable fuels, from biomethane to advanced biofuels and HVO, delivering up to 90 percent CO2 reduction, are cutting emissions today. Yet current CO2 frameworks, for both light-duty vehicles and heavy-duty trucks, fail to recognize fleets running on these fuels as part of the EU’s decarbonization solution for road transport, even when they deliver immediate, measurable climate benefits. This lack of clarity limits investment and slows additional emission reductions that could happen today. > Policies that punish before enabling will not accelerate the transition; a > successful shift must empower operators, not constrain them. The revision of both CO2 standards, for cars and vans, and for heavy-duty vehicles, will therefore be pivotal. They must support electrification and hydrogen where they fit the mission, while also recognizing the contribution of renewable and low-carbon fuels across the fleet. Regulations that exclude proven clean options will not accelerate the transition. They will restrict it.  With this in mind, the question is: why would the EU consider imposing purchasing mandates on operators or excessively high emission-reduction targets on member states that would, in practice, force quotas on buyers? Such measures would punish before enabling, removing choice from those who know their operations best. A successful transition must empower operators, not constrain them.  The EU’s transport sector is committed and already delivering. With the right enablers, a technology-neutral framework, and clarity on what counts as clean, the EU can turn today’s early successes into a scalable, fair and competitive decarbonization pathway.  We now look with great interest to the upcoming Automotive Package, hoping to see pragmatic solutions to these pressing questions, solutions that EU transport operators, as the buyers and daily users of all these technologies, are keenly expecting. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is IRU – International Road Transport Union  * The ultimate controlling entity is IRU – International Road Transport Union  More information here.

KYIV — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy wants to expand his military offensive against major oil facilities deep in the Russian interior. “We hit a certain number of their refineries; they’ve got a problem. When they started to restore and saw the queues of cars, they redistributed the volumes to other refineries,” Zelenskyy said during a meeting with a small group of journalists, including POLITICO, in Kyiv. “Therefore, our task is absolutely clear — to continue our work at other plants that have started to increase the volume, especially diesel. And we just have to work on it every day,” Zelenskyy added. Ukraine has reportedly struck 21 out of Russia’s 38 large oil refineries across the country since January, according to the BBC. Ukraine aims to cripple the Russian oil industry and cut the key source of revenue to Moscow’s war machine. And Zelenskyy believes that long-range oil strikes, plus U.S. sanctions and a mega loan to Kyiv from the EU financed by frozen Russian assets, could push Kremlin chief Vladimir Putin to the negotiating table. Zelenskyy said that, even though Kyiv wants allies to continue providing long-range missiles, expanding domestic long-range capabilities is a key priority. He added that Ukraine conducts 90 percent of its deep strikes into Russia with its own long-range drones and cruise missiles, but sometimes Kyiv uses the U.K.’s Storm Shadow and French SCALP missiles to hit targets. “Long-range capability is a component of independence and will be the greatest component for ensuring peace,” Zelenskyy added in an evening address to the nation Monday. “All deep-strike goals must be fully locked in by year’s end, including expansion of our long-range footprint.” Earlier, he met with Ukrainian producers of long-range weapons and ordered the government to lock in 57 long-term contracts with makers of key long-range drones and missiles by the end of the year. Ukraine is also building a stockpile of its latest home-made cruise missiles, the Flamingo, “to launch a […] massive strike on Russia by the end of the year,” Zelenskyy warned. “We must work every day to weaken the Russians. Their money for the war comes from oil refining,” the Ukrainian president added. Zelenskyy said strikes on Russian energy facilities are just part of a pressure campaign he hopes can force Putin to end his full-scale invasion. A key part of that package of measures, Zelenskyy said, is the EU unfreezing €140 billion in Russian assets held in the bloc to use as a massive reparation loan to help Ukraine — and he’s keen for the EU to green-light that in December at a leaders’ summit. “For Putin, the scariest part in the whole Russian-assets-for-Ukraine story is that Europe would give a signal that there is no point for him to continue his war of attrition against Ukraine, as there will be no financial attrition,” Zelenskyy said. Zelenskyy said he was very grateful for American sanctions on Russia’s Lukoil and Rosneft oil companies and now hopes that U.S. President Donald Trump, during his meeting with Chinese leader Xi Jinping this week, will be able to persuade Beijing to buy less oil from Moscow. “This is all the right direction to put pressure on Russia to be ready to end the war — sanctions, weapons, use of assets,” Zelenskyy said.

Repairs are underway at Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant after “local ceasefire zones” were established in the area, the United Nations nuclear watchdog said on Saturday. “Restoration of off-site power is crucial for nuclear safety and security. Both sides engaged constructively with the [International Atomic Energy Agency] to enable complex repair plan to proceed,” the IAEA wrote in a post on X. The Russian-occupied facility in southeastern Ukraine has been cut off from the national grid for four weeks — its longest blackout since the Russia’s invasion in February 2022. The plant has been using on diesel generators since its last power line went down last month. Without reliable power, Europe’s largest nuclear plant risks losing the cooling needed to keep its reactors stable. “The situation is critical,” warned Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in late September. “The generators and the plant were not designed for this, and have never operated in this mode for so long. And we already have information that one generator has failed,” he said. Ukraine’s Energy Ministry reportedly confirmed that specialists were proceeding on the latest round of repair works of the power lines. “The only reason for the unprecedented risks and threat of a radiation incident in Europe is Russian military aggression, the occupation of the Ukrainian Zaporizhzhya NPP and the systematic shelling of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure,” it said in a Telegram post.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy exhorted Kyiv’s allies to maintain pressure on Russia to end the war in Ukraine in parallel with the international efforts to achieve peace in the Middle East. “Moscow allows itself to escalate its strikes, openly exploiting the fact that the world is focused on ensuring peace in the Middle East,” Zelenskyy said in a social media post on Sunday. He called for “no weakening of pressure” through “sanctions, tariffs and joint actions against the buyers of Russian oil.” “The world can guarantee this in parallel with the peace process in the Middle East,” Zelenskyy wrote. He said that on Saturday “a child was killed in a church by an aerial bomb” in the eastern Ukrainian city of Kostiantynivka, in Donetsk Oblast. Russia’s defense ministry confirmed on Sunday that Moscow’s forces had struck Ukrainian energy infrastructure facilities that the Kremlin considers part of the Ukrainian military complex, according to the RIA news agency. Recently, Kyiv responded to Russian attacks by striking Russia’s Bashneft oil refinery in Ufa, located 1,300 kilometers east of Moscow, a person in Ukraine’s SBU security service told Reuters on Saturday. On Sunday, the Financial Times reported that U.S. intelligence has for months been helping Ukraine strike energy facilities in Russian territory, citing Ukrainian and U.S. officials. This assistance has enabled Ukraine to target Russia’s critical energy infrastructure, driving up energy prices and forcing Russia to reduce its diesel exports, according to the FT report. Meanwhile, efforts are under way to restore power in Kyiv, where 800,000 residents reportedly regained access to electricity on Saturday following Russia’s attacks.

Follow POLITICO’s live coverage from the summit here. Europe’s leaders gather in a fortress-like Copenhagen on Wednesday with the sense it’s now or never. They will thrash out how to ramp up the bloc’s defenses — and where to find the cash. Rarely have the stakes been higher, with the U.S. tepid on its military support for the continent and Moscow picking up the pace of its provocations on Europe’s borders. As leaders speak, a German frigate is stationed in the Danish capital’s port — a show of European security muscle and a sign of the warlike mood in Copenhagen. Europe is in a “hybrid war,” Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen said. Talks are set to begin around 1 p.m. and last until 5.30 p.m., with defense and Ukraine top of the agenda. That leaves around four hours for leaders to reach some kind of consensus that can be rubber-stamped at a further EU summit in three weeks’ time. Here are five thorny issues on the table: 1. DEFENSE The bloc will need to decide whether the Commission will lead on flagship defense projects — such as the “drone wall” on the eastern flank announced by the EU’s executive last month — or individual member countries. Larger countries, such as Germany, France and Italy, favor more national autonomy.   Also up for discussion is how to finance such projects, with some member countries favoring joint debt and others, including Germany, preferring to bankroll defense spending through SAFE, the EU’s €150 billion financial instrument for arms procurement. The bloc wants these questions answered so it can finalize a roadmap for arming itself by 2030.  2. RUSSIA’S FROZEN BILLIONS The European Commission thinks it’s found a clever loophole to free up sanctioned Russian assets for a €140 billion “reparations loan” for Ukraine — if it can get countries on board.   Under the Commission’s plan, Russian cash frozen since the beginning of the war would be paid out to Kyiv as a loan with zero interest, with Ukraine paying it back only once Moscow ends its war and forks out for reparations.  Such a dramatic move would normally require unanimous approval from all EU countries — but Kremlin-friendly Hungary and Slovakia are unlikely to approve. Nor is Belgium, as the frozen assets are held in a Brussels-based bank account. António Costa is set to raise the possibility of tweaking the bloc’s negotiating framework for candidate countries to allow the opening of accession chapters by a qualified voting majority of EU member countries. | Thierry Monasse/Getty Images The Commission still thinks it might be able to pull off its plan with the support of a qualified majority — and is arguing the scheme will boost Europe’s own arms industry. “I suspect that Moscow will be watching this informal European Council meeting very closely,” a second German senior government official told POLITICO.  3. UNBLOCKING UKRAINE’S EU MEMBERSHIP For Ukraine to progress in its path to EU membership, all 27 of the bloc’s member countries need to give the green light. That’s a problem, given Hungary has repeatedly vowed to block Kyiv’s accession.  European Council President António Costa is set to raise the possibility of tweaking the bloc’s negotiating framework for candidate countries to allow the opening of accession chapters by a qualified voting majority of EU member countries, rather than unanimity, deftly sidestepping Hungary’s veto.  The proposal, first reported by POLITICO, has been raised by Kyiv’s allies before and earned the Commission’s tick of approval Monday. But will likely require Budapest’s sign-off, which it is unlikely to give. The plan also faces pushback from several other countries, including France, the Netherlands and Greece, and is unlikely to get wide approval in Denmark, according to three EU diplomats and a French presidency official who spoke to POLITICO on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive deliberations. 4. NEW RUSSIA SANCTIONS The EU’s 19th package of sanctions, announced last month, has yet to be approved by all member countries. It targets an expanded list of Russian and foreign banks and energy companies, according to a draft annex — including firms from China, the United Arab Emirates, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Hungary has a long track record of obstructing sanctions (before eventually giving in), and Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has been bullish about weaning off Russian energy. 5. BERLIN BRINGS THE HEAT German Chancellor Friedrich Merz is coming to Copenhagen with a laundry list of grievances, telling party figures last week he plans to bring a “precise list of demands” to limit “constant regulation” from the EU and “put a stick in the wheels of this machine in Brussels.” It’s expected that chief among his asks will be overturning or weakening the bloc’s combustion engine ban. But that debate is set to split the bloc, with Sweden firmly against abandoning the 2035 deadline to move away from petrol and diesel cars.   What won’t be discussed: Germany’s position on sanctioning Israel. Merz, who has fluctuated between full-throated support for Israel and condemnation of civilian deaths in Gaza, was expected to finally clarify Berlin’s position in Copenhagen, but has since put off a decision, according to an official.

The question isn’t whether globalization will continue, but who will lead it and on what terms, says BMW’s Frank Niederländer. With geopolitical tensions and uncertainty in the world market on the rise, the EU has an opportunity to shape the global trade agenda — if it gets out of its own way. “Europe had the ambition to lead with the Green Deal, setting the pace for the global economy,” says Niederländer, BMW Group Vice President, Government Affairs Europe. “But while we focused on regulation, others moved ahead prioritizing speed, investment and outcomes.” > We need to envision growth as an imperative again. > > Frank Niederländer, BMW Group vice president, government affairs Europe Europe’s auto industry has a sterling reputation globally for manufacturing high-quality vehicles, and the EU has a goal of zero emissions for all cars by 2035. But China’s drive for innovation has helped it lead the world market for electric cars. Only one of the world’s top 15 battery electric vehicles is made in the EU. “The share of EVs sold still depends heavily on national regulatory conditions. This fragmentation in the single market remains one of the greatest challenges to the uptake of electric vehicles. Political alignment, investment scale and the ability to react with speed is essential,” says Niederländer. POLITICO Studio sat down with Niederländer to discuss what shifts need to happen to create a climate-neutral, competitive Europe. POLITICO Studio: What is BMW’s outlook on international trade in this era of geopolitical tension? Frank Niederländer: The global trading system is shifting — and it has real consequences. It shapes investment flows, supply chains and the rules of competition in real time. Other regions are acting with intent ― investing heavily to secure their industrial bases through billions in subsidies, raw material lockdowns and strategic alliances that give them an edge. Access to energy, technology and key inputs is now, very openly, used as leverage. The risk for Europe isn’t deglobalization, it’s marginalization. It’s falling behind while others move with more speed and focus. Europe must remain open with a trade policy that reinforces our competitiveness, secures our supply chains and reflects our values, while recognizing and managing strategic dependencies. PS: Amid the United States’ increasingly isolationist trade policies, is there a new opportunity for Europe? FN: There could be, if the EU stops playing defense and starts thinking strategically about where it wants to lead. Europe has a chance to position itself as a stable, credible anchor for open and fair trade. For that, we need cohesion within the EU, and alignment of environmental, economic and trade policy. More free trade agreements with core partners (such as Mercosur) are essential today after a long period of insufficient EU engagement. Europe has what it takes to lead: a strong Single Market, technological leadership and a solid rule-of-law tradition. What’s missing is the will to shape the global trading system, not just manage its consequences. We should focus on areas where the need for collaboration is highest, such as climate-neutral industry, resilient supply chains and high-value innovation. The EU must be capable of swiftly recalibrating its priorities to keep pace with the evolving geopolitical environment, or it may find itself sidelined. We need to envisage growth as an imperative again. PS: What emerging technologies could define Europe’s competitive edge? How is BMW helping to accelerate them? FN: Europe’s edge will be defined by the convergence of climate ambition and industrial competitiveness. The winning technologies will be those that deliver both. At BMW, this is already shaping how we build, invest and compete globally. We have long embedded circularity into the core of our strategy ― in the design phase, material sourcing and end-of-life recycling. We are also investing heavily in battery cell innovation and scaling European production capacity while continuing to advance a broad range of powertrain technologies ― from electric drivetrains to highly efficient combustion engines running on renewable fuels. In fact, all diesel BMW vehicles produced in Germany are now delivered with HVO100, a renewable fuel that reduces life cycle CO2 emissions by up to 90 percent. Europe has the talent and industrial base to lead. The challenge now is to translate that potential into scale — with policy that recognizes and accelerates technological leadership. We need agile policy frameworks, public-private partnerships and an ecosystem that fosters innovation, rather than policies that dictate technologies. > Europe has the talent and industrial base to lead. The challenge now is to > translate that potential into scale — with policy that recognizes and > accelerates technological leadership. PS: How can Europe turn decarbonization into a long-term competitive advantage? What role does BMW play in that transformation? FN: Decarbonization can give Europe an economic edge if we scale up cost-effective, low-carbon technologies. While Europe led with ever tighter regulation, other regions ― notably the U.S. and China ― have advanced by mobilizing massive investments, securing critical resources and rapidly scaling technologies. Still, Europe has what it takes to lead this transition through choice and innovation, not restrictions.  Take the supply chain. The largest levers for reducing CO2 emissions lie upstream from manufacturers. We prioritize renewable electricity, secondary materials and low-carbon production processes, and we actively invest in and source from suppliers that meet those standards. That creates real momentum on the demand side to accelerate the transition. This approach plays to Europe’s industrial strengths: advanced engineering capabilities, integrated supply chains and the ability to deliver premium solutions across multiple technologies. Let companies compete to deliver the best climate solutions — that’s how we’ll maintain global leadership. PS: How does life cycle assessment (LCA) affect BMW’s strategies? FN: At BMW, our strategic focus is clear ― achieving business success while reducing our climate footprint. To do that, we must look at the full life cycle of our products ― from raw material extraction to manufacturing, use and end-of-life recycling. This is essential if we want climate policy to reflect real impact. Tailpipe emissions cannot be the only measure of a vehicle’s environmental impact. We need to assess CO2 emissions across the entire value chain. This means designing with carbon footprint in mind from the start, and we’re already applying this approach with the Neue Klasse, a new, fully electric BMW model generation, where we are embedding circularity and carbon reduction every stage of development. The EU’s move toward LCA is welcome — but it needs consistency, transparency and practical application across sectors. Done right, LCA will reward innovation where it matters most: in cutting total emissions. PS: How is BMW future-proofing its global supply chain? FN: Europe’s future competitiveness will hinge on whether we treat supply chains as a strategic asset, not a logistical challenge. That’s especially true in areas such as the battery value chain, where industrial success depends on both resilience and global cooperation. This will require massive investments — just look at the figures in the Draghi report. This isn’t about reducing complexity. It’s about managing it. Engagement with partners such as China must be realistic and rules-based, because decoupling is neither feasible nor desirable. Europe cannot operate as an island. At BMW, our global production footprint is built upon a strong European foundation. We localize to serve markets more efficiently and to strengthen resilience, and our international presence amplifies Europe’s role as a hub for innovation, engineering excellence and high-value manufacturing. > Climate neutrality must be engineered — deliberately, collaboratively, and at > scale. PS: What can the EU do to ensure that companies like BMW remain globally competitive while leading the green transition? FN: Europe has the chance to define climate neutrality in a way that keeps Europe competitive and keeps jobs here. Stronger cooperation between governments and industry is key. The Strategic Dialogue launched by EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was an important step to this and must continue. The future will be shaped by many choices — smart regulation, strong industrial alliances and a shared commitment to progress that is measurable, not ideological. PS: What future does BMW imagine for a climate-neutral world? FN: A climate-neutral Europe is not just a moral responsibility — it’s a competitive imperative. It means rethinking how we power industries, design products and create value chains. The future will be built not on a single breakthrough but by thousands of decisions across technology, regulation and investment. Climate neutrality must be engineered — deliberately, collaboratively and at scale.   At BMW Group, we are engineering that future with purpose. Our 2030 climate targets are fully aligned with the Paris Agreement, which means reducing our CO2 emissions by 40 million tons by 2030 as compared to 2019. Europe has the potential to lead this transformation. But leadership requires the courage to move beyond outdated regulations, respond decisively to shifting geopolitical realities and streamline the path forward. This is the moment to lead with conviction.