BRUSSELS — The European Parliament’s three largest political groups are discussing new safeguards against the unpredictability of President Donald Trump in a bid to break a deadlock over approving the EU–U.S. trade deal, according to two lawmakers and three officials familiar with the talks. Center-left and liberal lawmakers are asking for a clause to be included in enabling legislation that is now before the house, under which the deal would be voided if Trump restarts his threats against the territorial sovereignty of Greenland and the Kingdom of Denmark. “We will need to have safeguards in place with a clear reference to territorial sovereignty directed at Trump’s unpredictability,” said an official of the Socialists & Democrats familiar with the discussions, granted anonymity to speak about confidential deliberations. There are already suspension clauses in the text, but lawmakers want to include definitions — including threats to territorial sovereignty — to strengthen them. Apart from the sovereignty clause, the definitions should specify that new tariff threats would trigger an automatic suspension of the agreement, said an official from the liberal Renew Europe group. That could pave the way for a vote on the Parliament’s position to be scheduled for the next meeting of its International Trade Committee on Feb. 23-24. For the EU to implement its side of the bargain, the Parliament and Council of the EU, representing the bloc’s 27 members, would still need to reach a final compromise. “This could be perhaps a date to vote,” Bernd Lange, the chair of the committee, told POLITICO, referring to the Feb. 23-24 meeting. Lange added that outstanding issues — including whether to schedule a vote on the deal at all — will be discussed at a meeting of lead negotiators scheduled for Wednesday next week. “The question of safeguard[s] is an important one and will be solved in the proper way,” he added. The Parliament froze ratification of the agreement, reached by Trump and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen last July, after the U.S. president threatened tariffs on European allies backing Greenland, a self-governing Danish protectorate. The center-right European People’s Party has pushed to sign off on the deal following calls from EU countries to unblock the implementation after Trump walked back threats to seize Greenland. But S&D, Renew and the Greens have so far balked, arguing further details are needed on the “framework” deal agreed by Trump with NATO chief Mark Rutte. An EPP official with knowledge of the discussions said the center-right group was open to stricter suspension safeguards in case Trump turns hostile again. “If he threatens [again] then the deal is off, but not the rest of our economic cooperation,” the official said. One of the S&D’s demands had been to officially ask the Commission to launch an investigation into whether Washington is coercing Europe to give up Greenland, which could lead to the launch of the EU’s Anti-Coercion Instrument. This trade “bazooka” is the bloc’s most powerful trade retaliatory weapon — but the EPP strongly opposes deploying it. “Anti-coercion is a serious and nuclear weapon that should be last discussed with strategic allies,” the EPP’s top trade lawmaker Željana Zovko told POLITICO, adding that the tool is “not serious diplomacy, only for drama queens.” Lawmakers are also discussing adding a sunset clause that would require the Commission to review the agreement after a set period, as well as excluding its steel provisions from ratification until the U.S. withdraws its 50 percent tariffs on European goods containing steel. MEPs say this violates the 15 percent all-inclusive rate agreed last summer.

BRUSSELS — The European Parliament has postponed its decision to unfreeze the EU-U.S. trade deal — but signaled it would do so at a later date. After two and a half hours of closed-door talks on Monday, the Parliament’s top trade lawmakers failed to agree whether to put the transatlantic deal to a vote. This despite calls from EU countries last week to unblock the implementation because U.S. President Donald Trump had walked back his threats to seize Greenland. “Of course we want the deal,” said Social Democrat lawmaker Kathleen van Brempt after the meeting. But “we need clarity” on the agreement Trump said he struck with NATO that ultimately convinced him to back down. The Parliament froze ratification of the agreement, signed by Trump and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in July, after the U.S. president threatened tariffs on European allies backing Greenland. Lead negotiators will meet Feb. 4 to decide next steps, the Parliament’s International Trade Committee Chair Bernd Lange said. At the meeting, lawmakers broadly agreed that the deal should go ahead now Trump has backtracked. But political groups are divided on whether they should first play hardball with the U.S. and demand more details on the NATO-Trump agreement, according to four people familiar with the talks. The center-right European People’s Party wants to “move forward” as soon as possible as it is “best for businesses … to create some more stability,” said the EPP’s top trade lawmaker, Jörgen Warborn. The right-wing ECR group and the far-right Patriots also pushed for work on the deal to continue. But the Socialists, the liberals of Renew and the Greens want to play it tougher, and want to see more details of the Greenland deal first, pointing to Trump’s unpredictability. “The guy threatened with tariffs, then he did not,” S&D’s van Brempt said, adding that the Socialists want to know where the European Commission stands on using the Anti-Coercion Instrument — it’s most powerful trade weapon — that it moved closer to readying before Trump walked back his tariff threats. “Improved U.S.-EU trade relations are of the highest importance, but must be built on mutual respect,” top liberal trade lawmaker Karin Karlsbro told POLITICO. “The door is open, but there is no need to rush the timetable.” A senior Commission trade official told the meeting the executive wants to accelerate the deal after Trump’s turnaround. “The Commission is falling back to their old position now,” said an MEP who was in the room, granted anonymity to speak about the confidential meeting, adding the Parliament needs to push for the Commission to “keep the pressure high” on Washington. Lawmakers also discussed whether to formally ask the Commission to launch the first, investigative stage of the Anti-Coercion Instrument, but there was not a majority to do so, the chair of the U.S. delegation Brando Benifei said.

BRUSSELS ― There’s no turning back now. That was the message from European leaders who gathered in Brussels on Thursday. And even though this emergency summit, called in response to Donald Trump’s threats to seize Greenland, turned into something far less dramatic because the U.S. president backed down 24 hours earlier, the quiet realization that Europe’s post-1945 rubicon had been crossed was, if anything, all the more striking for it. French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, the EU’s two most powerful leaders, who haven’t seen eye-to-eye of late, were united in warning that the transatlantic crisis had catapulted the bloc into a harsh new reality — one in which it must embrace independence. “We know we have to work as an independent Europe,” European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told reporters at the end of the five-hour gathering. And while, in contrast to recent EU summits, there was no tub-thumping or quarrels or even any decisions to be made, the gathering quietly signaled a tacit understanding, according to four EU diplomats and one official with knowledge of the leaders’ discussion, that there’s a fateful break between the old order and the new, the way the West has functioned since World War II and whatever lies ahead. While the mental shift toward independence has been gestating for years ― ever since Trump first moved into the White House in 2017 ― his unprecedented threats to Greenland acted as a sudden warning, forcing them to take steps that would have been unthinkable even just a few months ago, they said. All the officials interviewed for this article were granted anonymity to enable them to speak freely about the summit, which was held in private. “This is the Rubicon moment,” said an EU diplomat from an eastern flank country, with knowledge of the leaders’ discussions. “It’s shock therapy. Europe cannot go back to the way it was before. They [the leaders] have been saying this for days.” What that new way would look like is — as usual — a conversation for another day. But there have been hints at it this week. The initial response from EU leaders to the Greenland crisis — suspending an EU-U.S. trade agreement, sending troops to Greenland, threatening to deploy sweeping trade retaliation against the U.S. — served as a taste of what might come. EVERYTHING, ALL AT ONCE Between them, and then in public, leaders underscored that the speedy, unified response this month couldn’t be a one-off. Instead, it would need to define the bloc’s approach to just about everything “It cannot be energy security or defense, it cannot be economic strength or trade dependence, it has to be everything, all at once,” one of the diplomats said. France’s President Emmanuel Macron arrives for the summit. France is no longer an outlier in advocating for “strategic autonomy” for Europe. | Olivier Matthys/ EPA A key feature of Europe’s newfound quest for independence is a degree of unity that has long eluded the bloc. For countries on the bloc’s eastern flank, their location in the path of an expansionist Russia has long underpinned a quasi-religious belief in NATO ― in which a reliable U.S. had the biggest military and guaranteed the defense of all other members ― and its ability to deter Moscow. A sense of existential reliance on the U.S. has kept these countries firmly in Washington’s camp, leading to disagreements with countries further west, like France, that advocate “strategic autonomy” for Europe. Now, France isn’t the outlier. Even countries directly exposed to Russia’s expansionism are showing willingness to get on board with the independence push. Estonia is a case in point. The tiny Baltic country said last week it would consider deploying troops to Greenland as part of a “scoping mission” organized by NATO. Tallinn didn’t end up sending any soldiers — but the mere fact that it raised the possibility was remarkable. “When Europe is not divided, when we stand together, and when we are clear and strong, also in our willingness to stand up for ourselves, then results will show,” Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen said. “I think we have learned something in the last days and weeks.” Poland, one of the staunchest U.S. backers, also stepped out of its traditional comfort zone. In discussions about how to respond, Prime Minister Donald Tusk has signaled openness to deploying the EU’s Anti-Coercion Instrument — a powerful trade retaliation tool that allows for limiting investments from threatening nations, according to the diplomats. Poland’s Prime Minister Donald Tusk speaks to the media as he arrives for the summit. Even Poland, one of the staunchers backers of the U.S., has stepped out of its comfort zone. | Olivier Matthys/EPA “We always respected and accepted American leadership,” Tusk said. “But what we need today in our politics is trust and respect among our partners here, not domination and not coercion. It doesn’t work.” LEARNING THE LESSON A similar realization is taking hold in Europe’s free-trading northern countries.  While nations like Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands have historically opposed any move that risks imperiling their trading relationship with the U.S., those countries also signaled openness to retaliation against Trump. “This is a new era where we’re not going to rely on them anymore,” said a fourth EU diplomat. “At least not for three years,” while Trump is still in office. “This [Greenland crisis] was a test. We’ve learned the lesson.” Even Germany, whose political culture has been defined for decades by faith in the transatlantic relationship, is questioning old assumptions. Merz has hinted that Germany could be onboard with a tough trade response against the U.S. While EU diplomats and officials credited those moves with helping to change Trump’s mind on his tariff threats, they warned that further tough choices were now in order. “We need to own our agenda,” added the fourth diplomat. “Ukraine, productivity, competitiveness, security, strategic autonomy. The lesson is not to say no to everything.” Tim Ross, Zoya Sheftalovich, Seb Starcevic, Victor Jack, Nette Nöstlinger, Ferdinand Knapp, Jacopo Barigazzi, Carlo Martuscelli, Ben Munster, Camille Gijs, Gerardo Fortuna, Jakob Weizman, Bartosz Brzeziński, Gabriel Gavin and Giedre Peseckyte contributed reporting.

BRUSSELS ― EU leaders reckon Donald Trump’s about-turn on Greenland happened because they stuck together. And while they’re not claiming victory just yet, they believe there are clear lessons to be learned after several years where splits and rivalry have dominated the bloc. “When Europe is not divided, when we stand together and when we are clear and strong, also in our willingness to stand up for ourselves, then the results will show,” Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen told reporters as she arrived for Thursday’s summit in Brussels. “We have learned something during the last couple of days and weeks.” Brussels exhaled on Wednesday after Trump announced he was backing away from threats of imposing tariffs on countries that sent troops to Greenland, touting a “framework” agreement struck with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte for resolving the crisis. While the fine print of that deal — including whether it respects Denmark’s demand to retain full sovereignty of the island — isn’t yet clear, the situation showed the EU can be effective when it advances in lockstep, shows its ability to strike back and is willing to take clear steps like sending troops to reinforce Arctic security in the Danish-held territory, according to two EU diplomats and two senior EU officials. They spoke to POLITICO having been granted anonymity because of the sensitive nature of the discussions. “The fact that after those threats were made the EU coordinated very quickly, and reacted very quickly, reacted in a firm and calm way, with principled positions that were clear — this is certainly something that must be taken into account in terms of the reaction that followed,” said a senior EU official. “”We have learned something during the last couple of days and weeks,” said Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen. | Ludovic Marin/AFP via Getty Images The EU is drawing on months of experience of dealing with the Trump administration, most notably last summer when it came to deciding whether to sign a U.S.-EU trade deal, a senior diplomat said. Before the signing, EU leaders publicly diverged for weeks over how they should respond to Trump’s threat of sky-high tariffs. While the leaders weren’t completely in agreement over Trump’s Greenland threats, the fact that France and Germany quickly agreed on preparing the use of the so-called Anti-Coercion Instrument against the U.S., a powerful trade retaliation tool, showed the bloc was now more decisive in its response. “The debate we had in June-July helped us prepare. There is now a maturity in how the EU prepares and executes,” said the senior diplomat. The decision by eight European countries to send troops to Greenland, on a NATO-led “scoping mission” to bolster Arctic security, also helped to solidify the EU’s position, said former French Prime Minister Gabriel Attal. “My understanding is that when we speak the language of strength, we manage to push back against certain ambitions,” Attal told France Info radio on Thursday. “This only validates the idea that in a world that is all about power, we need to show that we can bite.” THE NEW PLAYBOOK In the hours after Trump’s huddle with Rutte in Davos, European diplomats were eager to underscore that a confluence of factors likely influenced Trump to take the military option for Greenland off the table, and that it remained to be seen what exactly motivated his thinking Even European diplomats acknowledge it wasn’t all the EU’s doing. Nor do they claim to know Trump’s thinking. They pointed to U.S. public opinion being skeptical about a Greenland takeover, pressure from U.S. lawmakers unwilling to approve such a move and volatility in markets as all possible factors.  But they underscored that, from the European side, there is now a clearer process for protecting EU interests. A key element is reaching out to U.S. lawmakers and business executives to convince that a transatlantic blow-up — or even, as Frederiksen suggested, the death of NATO — would not be in their interest. “Europe has every reason to act with confidence,” Austrian Chancellor Christian Stocker said during his way into Thursday’s summit. Another factor is the EU’s willingness to signal the readiness to retaliate. Diplomats pointed to European Parliament leaders pushing to delay approval of the EU-U.S. trade deal as evidence of institutions that are working together more quickly. Rhetoric counts too, they said, pointing to French President Emmanuel Macron’s support for the Anti-Coercion Instrument and a speech from European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen vowing an “unflinching” response. “The conclusion we can draw is that when Europe responds in a united way, using the tools at its disposal … it can command respect,” Macron said on his way into the summit. “And that is a good thing.”

BRUSSELS — EU leaders gathering in Brussels Thursday evening will attempt to brush off a week of tumultuous relations with the U.S. and call for the bloc’s transatlantic trade deal to be finalized. In a sign that government heads are hoping to draw a line in the sand after Donald Trump walked back his threats to impose tariffs on European countries and seize Greenland, they’ll use the emergency summit to show they want to return swiftly to business as usual. “There is an agreement between the U.S. and the EU on trade,” said an EU official directly involved in the discussions, granted anonymity because the talks are confidential. “We are reliable partners, so those agreements should be abided [by], unless there are structural changes … Hopefully that is not the case and things can move forward.“ The summit was initially called to discuss economic retaliation against the U.S. Leaders of the main parties in the European Parliament — including Commission President Ursula von der Leyen’s own European People’s Party — which must ratify the trade deal, said on Sunday that this would be impossible given Trump’s threats. But the U.S. president’s abrupt climbdown on Wednesday, saying he had negotiated a framework for expanded military access to the Danish overseas territory, should mean the pact can move ahead as planned, according to four diplomats and officials. “It is in the interest of Europeans to have an effective relationship,” said a senior European diplomat. At a meeting of ambassadors earlier Thursday to prepare the summit, no countries objected to the agreement taking effect, even after the rancorous week, according to two diplomats. It had been signed in July by Trump and von der Leyen. “The action is for the Parliament,” said a second EU official, adding that leaders were likely to bring up the issue with Parliament President Roberta Metsola, who is addressing them during the summit on Thursday. The EPP’s lead negotiator on the file, Željana Zovko, said the Parliament will “hopefully” decide to proceed with the deal on Monday. The U.S. ambassador to the EU, Andrew Puzder, is piling on the pressure for the speedy approval of the deal, blasting those in Brussels who claim Trump risks undermining the transatlantic relationship with his efforts to take over the territory of allies. “The real instability comes from the EU’s own failure to act on the historic trade agreement that Presidents Trump and von der Leyen negotiated last summer,” he wrote online. “It was meant to restore predictability and growth, not be held hostage to political posturing.”

DAVOS, Switzerland — In fashion, accessories make the dress. In politics, they make the moment. French President Emmanuel Macron’s sunglasses and his Top Gun look at the World Economic Forum were the talk of the Swiss town this week and beyond, so much so that it seemed to make people forget the geopolitical hits he took from the likes of Donald Trump as Paris tried to push back against the U.S. president’s now-withdrawn tariff threats against those opposing his designs on Greenland. Even Trump complimented the French leader’s pair of blue aviator sunglasses. “Beautiful. But what the hell happened?” he said during his keynote speech on Wednesday. What happened was Macron appeared to have burst a blood vessel in his eye. The French president first appeared in public with a bloodshot eye on Jan. 15 for a speech to the French military, which he began by apologizing for its “unsightly appearance” but also noting it was “completely harmless.” The next day he showed up at a meeting at the Elysée sporting the now-famous shades, widely reported to be from the French brand Henry Jullien (€650 a pair), which he again apologized for and said he was required to wear for several days. The glasses were ridiculed in some corners. The running joke in Davos was that he and Brigitte got into another scrape. But resorting to an eyepatch, like Olaf Scholz did while running in 2023, wasn’t an option, not least because of the pirate-themed ridicule the then-German chancellor suffered. That accessory in France has long been associated with Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founding father of the French far right. Resorting to an eyepatch, like Olaf Scholz did while running in 2023, wasn’t an option, not least because of the pirate-themed ridicule the then-German chancellor suffered. That accessory in France has long been associated with Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founding father of the French far right/AFP via Getty Images Fortunately for Macron, when the internet noticed, the verdict was largely favorable. The shades were a sensation. Online memes portrayed a cool Macron as a Godfather-like figure, a heavyweight wrestler or a fighter pilot. > The young padawans of the french psyops division are learning quite quickly > how to meme > > It deserves to be encouraged > > Nice start#macron #meme pic.twitter.com/yKHRZuc6u6 > > — Marouene Chaibi (@Marouenechaibi) January 21, 2026 And like many things that spread like wildfire on social media, the memes are both petty and deeply meaningful. Europeans have forever been on the back foot when it comes to dealing with Trump, projecting indecisiveness, weakness and division. With European momentum growing in favor of confronting Trump, are Macron and his blue-tinted shades the symbol of European coolness and sophistication they need to combat the brash MAGA world? The French president himself has enthusiastically leaned into the underdog motif. Speaking to a gathering of French CEOs on Tuesday evening, he echoed a refrain from his speech to the French military, to channel their inner “Eye of the Tiger” mojo. “That’s why I’m wearing these glasses,” he said. “Don’t give up, don’t give up, don’t give up” in the face of uncertainties and challenges, he hammered. “We’re going back to bootcamp. It’s Rocky III,” he said. The CEOs cheered. Standing up to superpowers is a quintessentially French role, reaching back to Charles de Gaulle and beyond. France is a country where school children are brought up reading about Asterix and Obelix, the story of embattled Gauls fighting against the Roman Empire. Macron and his country this week embraced that role by calling on the European Union to use the Anti-Coercion Instrument against the U.S. in response to Trump’s tariff threats over Greenland; then declining an invitation to join Trump’s Gaza Board of Peace, citing concerns over its extensive powers, to which Trump responded by threatening 200 percent tariffs on French wine and Champagne; and finally, hours before Trump touched down in Switzerland, calling for NATO to organize a military drill in Greenland. On stage in Davos Tuesday, Macron wasn’t afraid to poke at Trump, telling the audience that he preferred “respect to bullies.” There’s something slightly reckless in Macron’s recent moves. But he is a man with little to lose. A tired lame-duck centrist, he faces the possibility of a painfully slow end to his reign before the next presidential election in 2027. Macron can, at least for now, project power in memes. But turning that into political muscle is a whole different dogfight. Kathryn Carlson contributed to this report.

BRUSSELS — The European factions who hold different views on dealing with Donald Trump each have a figurehead. Let’s meet them. Their roles are crucial as EU leaders meet in Brussels Thursday evening, hours after the U.S. president said he had formed “the framework of a future deal” on Greenland with NATO chief Mark Rutte. The announcement throws the emergency European Council into uncertainty and will see those around the table trying to get a handle on what has actually been agreed, and how they respond to it. Trump’s declaration that tariffs won’t be imposed on EU countries as part of the spat means it’s unlikely leaders will sign off on a range of planned retaliatory trade measures that had been on the table. However, three officials and diplomats — granted anonymity to speak freely — told POLITICO that the working dinner remains vital for discussing a range of issues affecting relations with the U.S., including Washington’s new push for talks between Russia and Ukraine, as well as its creation of a Gaza Peace Board. European Council President António Costa, who is chairing the meeting, will have to contend with different camps when it comes to how to deal with Trump. Here’s who to watch at the summit (and you can keep up with all the news and analysis on our live blog). THE FIREBRAND: FRENCH PRESIDENT EMMANUEL MACRON Macron has emerged at the helm of a small but growing band of countries that want to take Trump on. In Davos on Tuesday, the French centrist branded the Greenland push as “imperialism or new colonialism” and bemoaned Trump’s “useless aggressivity.” France has consistently pushed for Europe to be less dependent on the U.S., and its arms industry stands to benefit from its call on allies to buy more weaponry made on the continent. Behind the scenes, French diplomats were pushing for the deployment of the ACI, making it clear in no uncertain terms that the bloc will stand up to economic blackmail. But texts published by Trump show that Macron — who once had a warmer relationship with the American president — has tried to continue his charm offensive out of view of the cameras. Macron is backed up by leaders such as Belgium’s Bart De Wever, who has said publicly that “there’s no point in being soft anymore” and he would be prepared for a “trade war” if needed. Spain’s Pedro Sánchez, one of the few socialist leaders in the Council, has also been vocal in his condemnation of Trump. That group will be emboldened by the fact that the White House seemingly backed down in the face of diplomatic and economic pressure over Greenland. The fact European leaders are taking this so seriously and holding emergency talks “was clearly part of changing [Trump’s] mind,” said a senior European diplomat about Thursday’s meeting. THE RELUCTANT SUPPORTER: GERMAN CHANCELLOR FRIEDRICH MERZ Despite Berlin’s fragile governing coalition initially sending mixed messages about its intentions, Merz appears to be coming around to Macron’s strategy. With his focus firmly on economics, Merz effectively speaks for the countries that would rather not be dragged into fresh rows with Trump but are starting to feel there may be no other option. He has publicly said “we want to avoid any escalation in this dispute, if at all possible,” but vowed “we will of course protect our European interests, as well as our German national interests.” Like many others, Merz has tried charm — sitting awkwardly through an Oval Office meeting with Trump last year as the president brought up Germany’s Nazi past. Now, the chancellor seems resigned to the prospect that more will need to be done. In private, German diplomats have joined forces with their French counterparts in a rare show of unity to signal they would be ready to support beginning the ACI process. “There is indeed a convergence in the positions between France and Germany, which was previously unthinkable,” said the EU diplomat. THE LITMUS TEST: ITALIAN PRIME MINISTER GIORGIA MELONI All eyes are on Meloni, who has simultaneously carved out a special relationship with Trump while also playing a key role in the development of the EU’s foreign affairs policy as part of an elite group of big economies. When she joins forces with those who want to be more assertive, it’s a significant sign that Trump has probably gone too far. Meloni spoke to the president over the weekend by telephone. “Our goal is not to fight with the Americans,” her foreign minister, Antonio Tajani, told POLITICO after the call, arguing a “win-win” solution could be found. While Meloni is often reluctant to sacrifice her communications channel with the White House, there’s an expectation she will ultimately side with her fellow Europeans. “Meloni understands. She is serious,” a second senior diplomat said, arguing that if her line to Trump fails to produce results, there’s little point continuing to protect it. Another notably cautious figure around the Council table will be Dick Schoof, the prime minister of the Netherlands, who has been reluctant to openly criticize Trump despite his country being one of the targets of the new tariff threats. The Dutch government has emphasized the need to try to work through the Greenland issue without escalation. THE UNDECIDED: POLISH PRIME MINISTER DONALD TUSK A long-standing pro-EU politician, Tusk nevertheless faces a tough moment — navigating public opinion and a Trump-friendly president in Warsaw. Along with the Baltic nations, Poland borders Russia and is dependent on Washington to continue its military role in the region. Three diplomats told POLITICO that this group of countries, while supportive of standing up for European sovereignty, is more hesitant to do anything they think could be seen as an escalation. They will be breathing a sigh of relief that they don’t have to make any major decisions — yet. THE SYMPATHIZER: CZECH PRIME MINISTER ANDREJ BABIŠ The summit is the second Brussels sit-down for billionaire businessman Babiš since he returned to office. He could be key to demonstrating unity. So far, he has joked that he has bought a globe “to see where Greenland is,” and said Trump’s fears about Russia and China are legitimate, but called for a peaceful agreement to preserve NATO. Another leader to keep an eye on is Slovakia’s Robert Fico. He has frequently criticized the EU and dug in his heels over efforts to diversify away from Russia, but ultimately tends to fall in line on major decisions. He met Trump in Mar-a-Lago over the weekend and agreed on joint nuclear power projects, saying he had a special relationship with the president because he is “not a Brussels parrot.” One politician whom those in the room can depend on to oppose almost anything the others might agree on is Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán — a longtime fan of Trump. Diplomats say Budapest is worried by an increasingly unpredictable Washington but, according to one envoy, Orbán “doesn’t want to rock the boat” given he has a critical election test of his own in April. Victor Jack contributed to this report.

PARIS — European populist champions are turning away from a U.S. president they once openly admired.   As Donald Trump escalates his attacks on the continent, his scorched-earth approach to transatlantic relations is becoming a political liability — even for leaders who previously benefited from their association with him.   For the right-wing and far-right movements in Europe, Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement offered validation from the other side of the Atlantic for similar populist movements back home — until its leader started threatening the invasion of a European territory.  While on Wednesday Trump backtracked on his administration’s threats, saying he will not take Greenland by force and would suspend his tariff threats, powerful right-wing figures in the continent’s capitals and core EU institutions have already shifted their narrative to adapt to the transatlantic hostility, mimicking the centrist leaders they loathe and dialing up the rhetoric against American imperialism.  “I think we should be honest,” said Nicola Procaccini, the leader of the right-wing European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament, who is also Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s right-hand man in the chamber. “When Trump is wrong, we should say he’s wrong, when he’s right, we should say he is right.” Jordan Bardella, president of France’s far-right National Rally, and Nigel Farage, the populist leader of Reform UK, condemned Trump’s escalating threats over Greenland and his use of tariffs as coercive leverage against the very countries they hope to govern. Both are wary of appearing too close to a figure increasingly viewed by public opinion, including their voters, as a hostile force.    Trump’s aggressive push on Greenland “goes way beyond a diplomatic disagreement,” Bardella said in the European Parliament on Tuesday, describing the U.S. president’s tariff threats as “blackmail” and accusing him of attempting the “vassalization” of Europe.  In the same address he called on the EU to activate its so-called trade bazooka, also known as the anti-coercion instrument, aligning with the position of his rival, President Emmanuel Macron. That puts Bardella at odds with a leader to whom he has long felt an affinity: Meloni, whose government is still advocating a let’s-keep-calm-and-negotiate approach.  Even the far-right Alternative for Germany, which once openly embraced support from the Trump administration, is scrambling to recalibrate.  WANNABES VS. INCUMBENTS  Populist leaders in office are proceeding cautiously, well aware of the risk of alienating a powerful but unpredictable ally.   Italy’s Meloni, whose status as a Trump whisperer has raised her international profile, has so far refrained from directly criticizing the U.S. president’s offensive on Europe’s sovereignty. As Trump announced he would slap punitive tariffs on NATO allies that have opposed his move on Greenland, he noticeably spared Italy, which has criticized European troop deployments to the Arctic territory. Poland’s President Karol Nawrocki, a Trump stalwart, said the U.S. remained his country’s “very important ally.” | Artur Widak/NurPhoto via Getty Images Similarly, speaking from Davos, Poland’s President Karol Nawrocki, a Trump stalwart, said the U.S. remained his country’s “very important ally.” But even he balked at one of the U.S. president’s recent initiatives, with one of his aides expressing concerns about the inclusion of Russian President Vladimir Putin in the U.S.-led “Board of Peace.”  In the European Parliament, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s troops continue to seek close ties with Trump and are downplaying the annexation threats, arguing that Greenland is an issue solely between Denmark and the United States.  “With President Donald Trump comes peace,” Orbán said three days ago on X.  By contrast, far-right figures who still are aiming for higher office have adjusted their rhetoric. In France, the National Rally has always been cautious in its approach to Trump, trying to maintain a healthy distance. But Bardella himself had flattering words for the U.S. president as recently as last month, when he said in a BBC interview that Trump was an example of the “wind of freedom, of national pride blowing all over Western democracies.”  In the same interview, Bardella gave a hat tip to Trump’s successes at home and “welcomed with a certain goodwill” the moral support offered to nationalist European parties in Trump’s National Security Strategy, a bombshell policy paper widely received as another nail in the coffin of the traditional world order.  END OF A BROMANCE  In the U.K., Farage can claim to be a longtime friend of Trump, having campaigned for him during his 2016 presidential run and later being welcomed to Trump Tower as his personal guest.   But this week the populist leader opened up clear blue water between himself and the U.S. president by saying Trump’s Greenland threats represent the “biggest fracture” in the transatlantic relationship since the Suez crisis of 1956.  The Reform leader, who is scenting real power ahead of the next general election, is well known for being attuned to public opinion — which remains pretty hostile toward the U.S. president. Trump was unpopular in Europe even before the Greenland offensive, including among the supporters of right-wing populist parties he sees as allies, according to a POLITICO Poll in partnership with Public First conducted in November.  Farage supporters were the exception, but even so, only 50 percent of Reform-aligned respondents had favorable views of Trump.   PUBLIC DISTANCE VS. PRIVATE EMBRACE  France’s Marine Le Pen has long warned her troops against embracing Trump too loudly.  France’s Marine Le Pen has long warned her troops against embracing Trump too loudly. | Tom Nicholson/Getty Images While the American president is ideologically close to her National Rally on some subjects, first among them migration, Trump’s interference in domestic politics has ruffled the far-right veteran’s feathers. After U.S. Vice President JD Vance’s fiery speech at the Munich Security Conference last year, where he criticized longstanding policies by centrist parties against collaboration with the far right, she warned her troops against cheering the apparent win for their camp.  Still, the party’s leading figures have also looked at Trump for inspiration and sought to emulate some of his movement’s successes.  Last September, her former partner and National Rally Vice President Louis Aliot, who traveled to the U.S. for Trump’s inauguration, gave a passionate speech on democracy and freedom of speech at the party’s back-to-school meeting in Bordeaux, paying tribute to slain U.S. conservative influencer Charlie Kirk — a name virtually no one in France’s heartland had heard of before his assassination. He elicited roars from the crowd.  Now, far-right politicians may legitimately fear that invoking Trump will earn them boos instead of claps. Esther Webber contributed reporting from London. Ketrin Jochecová contributed reporting from Brussels.

BRUSSELS — European governments have reached a difficult conclusion: The Americans are the baddies now. As leaders of the EU’s 27 countries assemble in Brussels for an emergency summit Thursday, that assessment is predominant across almost all capitals in Europe, according to nine EU diplomats. These officials come from countries which have varying degrees of historic fondness of the U.S., and they made clear that this way of thinking is particularly stark in places that have previously had the strongest ties to Washington. The sense of dread and skepticism remains, and the summit will still go ahead, despite Donald Trump declaring late Wednesday that he’s struck a deal on Greenland and won’t impose tariffs on European countries after all — underscoring how the gathering has become more than just about the latest blowup. The U.S. president’s designs on Greenland, which he set out earlier in the day in Davos, Switzerland, demanding “immediate negotiations” to obtain the island, have come as a last straw for many leaders. Throughout the first year of his second term, they had clung to the hope that their worst fears about the country that has underpinned European security since 1945 wouldn’t be realized. But the moment for making nice “has ended” and “the time has come to stand up against Trump,” Anders Fogh Rasmussen, former NATO secretary-general and ex-Danish prime minister, told BBC radio. Several of the envoys that POLITICO spoke to for this article, all of whom were granted anonymity because of the sensitive nature of their work, said they felt personally betrayed, some having studied and worked in the U.S. or having advocated for closer transatlantic ties. “Our American Dream is dead,” said an EU diplomat from a country that has been among the bloc’s transatlantic champions. “Donald Trump murdered it.” Europe’s collective realization is likely to be in evidence at the summit ― not merely in potential decisions to prepare for retaliatory trade measures against the U.S., should Trump reverse course again and push ahead with his claims on Greenland. It will also be apparent in the statements leaders are likely to make to each other in private and then publicly. French President Emmanuel Macron foreshadowed that in his own speech in Davos, saying Europe had “very strong tools” and “we have to use them when we are not respected, and when the rules of the game are not respected.” LIMITED RELIEF Trump’s speech at Davos, during which he called Denmark’s self-governing island “our territory,” did nothing to dial down the temperature 24 hours before the leaders’ hastily arranged gathering in the Belgian capital to discuss their next response to the disintegrating postwar order. While Trump ruled out the use of military force to seize Greenland, EU governments didn’t regard this as a climbdown because of the harshness of his language about Europe in general and clear confirmation of his intentions, according to two EU diplomats. Trump did eventually walk back his threat of issuing tariffs on the eight European countries which he considered to be standing in his way on Greenland, but by that point, things were already too far gone. “Our American Dream is dead,” said an EU diplomat from a country that has been among the bloc’s transatlantic champions. “Donald Trump murdered it.” | Mandel Ngan/Getty Images “After the back and forth of the last few days, we should now wait and see what substantive agreements are reached between [NATO Secretary-General] Mr. Rutte and Mr. Trump,” Germany’s Vice Chancellor Lars Klingbeil told German broadcaster ZDF. “No matter what solution is now found for Greenland, everyone must understand that we cannot sit back, relax, and be satisfied.” The moment the U.S. president threatened those tariffs on Saturday was when the schism “became real,” said an EU diplomat. “Maybe this push gets us a few months, maybe it’s a more permanent thing,” said another, referring to Trump’s about-face. “I think [Trump’s] speech earlier today will give food for thought in most if not all capitals, tariffs or not.” European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen summed up the mood during her Davos speech Tuesday. “The world has changed permanently,” she said. “We need to change with it.” At their summit, EU leaders will discuss the state of the transatlantic relationship. Prior to Trump’s tariff climbdown, they were preparing to ask the Commission to ready its most powerful trade weapon against the U.S., the Anti-Coercion Instrument (ACI), as POLITICO reported on Tuesday. The EU created its “trade bazooka” in 2023 to deal with the threat posed by what it perceived as hostile countries, most notably China, which it feared were using their markets and their economies to blackmail the EU into doing their bidding. The idea that Brussels would deploy it against the U.S. had previously been unthinkable. “We are experiencing a great rupture of the world order,” said a senior envoy from a country that was seen in the EU as a key American ally. Leaders will discuss “de-risking” from the U.S., the diplomat said — a term that has previously been reserved for the EU’s relationship with Beijing. “Trust is lost,” they said. THE THERAPY SUMMIT The summit will be akin to “therapy,” said one EU official familiar with the preparation for the European Council. It will provide an opportunity for the leaders to issue a concrete response to Trump’s Davos speech and subsequent claim of a deal. The assessment that the U.S. is no longer a reliable ally has come gradually. The scales first fell from Europe’s leaders’ eyes when the Trump administration published its National Security Strategy in early December, in which it vowed to boost “patriotic European parties” to the detriment of the EU. (Which may go some way to explaining why some EU leaders, like Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, are still clinging to Trump.) Then, Trump renewed his rhetoric about taking Greenland, the U.S. ambassador to Iceland called himself the governor of the 52nd U.S. state, and Trump sent a letter to Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre, in which he said that his failure to be awarded the Nobel Peace meant he would “no longer feel an obligation to think purely of Peace.”  One senior EU envoy said they were convinced the letter was a fake. Its authenticity was then confirmed. Two senior diplomats POLITICO spoke with separately compared the current state of the U.S. with the time leading up to World War II. “I think we are past Munich now,” said one, referring to a 1938 meeting where Britain, France and Italy appeased Adolf Hitler by allowing him to annex Czechoslovakia. “We realize that appeasement is not the right policy anymore.” The abrupt decline of U.S. standing has been particularly painful for Denmark, which Trump called “ungrateful” in Davos. Copenhagen has been shocked by his behavior, having for decades been among America’s most friendly allies. Denmark deployed forces in support of the U.S. to some of the most dangerous combat zones in the Middle East, including Helmand Province in Afghanistan. The country suffered among the worst per-capita losses of life. “So many of us have studied in the U.S., we all wanted to work there,” said one Danish official. “This is simply betrayal.” Gabriel Gavin, Nicholas Vinocur, Tim Ross and Nette Nöstlinger contributed reporting.

BRUSSELS — European officials have cautioned that major challenges remain after Donald Trump abruptly U-turned on his threat to impose tariffs on countries supporting Greenland. The U.S. president said Wednesday evening on social media that after forming “the framework of a future deal” on the Arctic territory with NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte the punitive measures would not come into effect on Feb. 1 as he had previously advised. But it’s too early to conclude that the looming spat between the U.S. and the EU is over, Germany’s Vice Chancellor Lars Klingbeil said. “After the back and forth of the last few days, we should now wait and see what substantive agreements are reached between Mr. Rutte and Mr. Trump,” Klingbeil told German broadcaster ZDF. “No matter what solution is now found for Greenland, everyone must understand that we cannot sit back, relax, and be satisfied.” An EU official directly involved in the negotiations in recent days said “I would be skeptical about calling this fantastic news. We cannot live our lives or govern our countries based on social media posts.” EU leaders are set to meet Thursday evening to discuss Europe’s response to the U.S. president’s escalation over Greenland. That summit is still going ahead. “A lot has happened since the start of the year, it’s a good idea for these leaders to sit together and discuss the [volatile] world we live in,” the EU official said. Regardless of the reversal on trade threats and apparent Greenland deal, Trump’s speech in Davos “will give food for thought in most if not all capitals, tariffs or not,” another EU official said. The purpose of the summit remains to discuss transatlantic relations, a third EU official said. “The question of tariffs is off the table but Greenland is still on the table, transatlantic relationship is still an issue.” But it’s too early to conclude that the looming spat between the U.S. and the EU is over, Germany’s Vice Chancellor Lars Klingbeil said. | John MacDougal/Getty Images Trump had vowed to hit countries supporting Denmark in its defense of Greenland with a 10 percent tariff from Feb. 1, with the levy on European exports set to rise from June 1. The countries affected included Germany, France, the Netherlands, Sweden and Finland, the U.K and Denmark. A NATO diplomat, meanwhile, laid the praise for the apparent U-turn at the door of the secretary-general, who has struck up a close personal relationship with Trump: “Mark Rutte is doing his job: being listened to by the president of the United States.” Seb Starcevic, Nette Nöstlinger and Gerardo Fortuna contributed reporting.