Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music He’s not even European — yet Donald Trump has topped POLITICO’s annual P28 ranking of the most powerful people who will shape Europe in 2026. EU Confidential host Sarah Wheaton takes you inside the gala in Brussels — where commissioners, MEPs, diplomats, lobbyists and journalists packed into a glittering room, even as the mood underneath the sparkle felt unusually tense. At the event, Ursula von der Leyen sat down with Carrie Budoff Brown, POLITICO’s executive editor, for an exclusive on-stage conversation — offering one of her first public reactions to Trump’s sharp criticism of EU leaders as “weak,” and Washington’s dramatic new security strategy, which seeks to undermine them. Be sure to check out the full 2026 ranking here. Plus, we bring you Sarah’s conversation with Balázs Orbán, the Hungarian prime minister’s political director, who offers a perspective far outside the Brussels mainstream — on Ukraine, on Europe’s political direction, and on where he believes the EU keeps going wrong. And finally, we have a taste of Anne McElvoy’s interview with Nick Thomas-Symonds, the U.K.’s minister for European relations (for more, head to: Politics at Sam and Anne’s ). And if you haven’t yet, listen to the exclusive interview our colleague Dasha Burns did with Donald Trump on our sister podcast The Conversation.

Budapest Mayor Gergely Karácsony says Hungarian police have recommended he be charged for defying a government ban and allowing a Pride parade to take place earlier this year in Hungary’s capital. “The police concluded their investigation against me in connection with the Budapest Pride march in June with a recommendation to press charges,” he said in a video posted on Facebook Thursday. “They accuse me of violating the [new law on] freedom of assembly, which is completely absurd.” Pride gatherings, rooted in protest and celebration, are held around the world to promote the rights and freedom of expression of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people. In March, however, Hungary adopted a law restricting the freedom of assembly in cases involving the public portrayal to children of “divergence from self-identity corresponding to sex at birth, sex change or homosexuality.” The Budapest Pride parade was subsequently banned based on the legislation. But political opponents say the government banned Pride in an attempt to create a wedge issue to stay in power. Hungary faces parliamentary elections in April 2026, and in the most recent poll, conducted from Nov. 21-28 by 21 Research Centre, a Budapest-based think tank, the country’s ruling Fidesz party was on track for 40 percent support behind the challenger, Tisza, at 47 percent of decided voters. Karácsony, a Green politician and a strong opponent of nationalist Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, rejected the federal government’s edict and allowed the rally to proceed in June. Several EU politicians joined the event to show solidarity with LGBTQ+ people, even though Orbán warned organizers and attendees that legal consequences would follow. The Budapest mayor was questioned by Hungary’s state police in August, and on Thursday said he’d received a formal notice in the case. “In a system where the law protects power rather than people, in this system that stifles free communities, it was inevitable that sooner or later, as the mayor of a free city, they would take criminal action against me,” Karácsony said. He added: “I am proud that I took every political risk for the sake of my city’s freedom, and I stand proudly before the court to defend my own freedom and that of my city.” The European Green Party backed Karácsony. “The fact that the police are requesting to indict the Green Mayor of Budapest Gergely Karácsony for supporting Budapest Pride 2025 is a shocking misuse of state power by the Orbán regime,” the party’s co-chair, Vula Tsetsi, said in a press release. Karácsony is one of the ’10 to Watch’ in the POLITICO 28: Class of 2026. The Rendőrség, Hungary’s national police force, didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment. Csongor Körömi and Max Griera Andreu contributed to this report.

Europe’s far-right firebrands are rushing to hitch their fortunes to Washington’s new crusade against Brussels. Senior U.S. government officials, including Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, have launched a raft of criticism against what they call EU “censorship” and an “attack” of U.S. tech companies following a €120 million fine from the European Commission on social media platform X. The fine is for breaching EU transparency obligations under the Digital Services Act, the bloc’s content moderation rule book. “The Commission’s attack on X says it all,” Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán said on X on Saturday. “When the Brusselian overlords cannot win the debate, they reach for the fines. Europe needs free speech, not unelected bureaucrats deciding what we can read or say,” he said. “Hats off to Elon Musk for holding the line,” Orbán added. Tech mogul Musk said his response to the penalty would target the EU officials who imposed it.  “The European Commission appreciates censorship & chat control of its citizens. They want to silence critical voices by restricting freedom of speech,” echoed far-right Alternative for Germany leader Alice Weidel. Three right-wing to far-right parties in the EU are pushing to stop and backtrack the integration process of European countries — the European Conservatives and Reformists, the Patriots for Europe, and the Europe of Sovereign Nations. Together they hold 191 out of 720 seats in the European Parliament. The parties’ lawmakers are calling for a range of proposals — from shifting competences from the European to the national level, to dismantling the EU altogether. They defend the primacy of national interests over common European cooperation. Since Donald Trump’s reelection, they have portrayed themselves as the key transatlantic link, mirroring the U.S. president’s political campaigning in Europe, such as pushing for a “Make Europe Great Again” movement. The fresh U.S. criticism of EU institutions has come in handy to amplify their political agendas. “Patriots for Europe will fight to dismantle this censorship regime,” the party said on X. The ECR group — political home to Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni — issued a statement questioning the enforcement of the DSA following the U.S. criticism. “A digital law that lacks legal certainty risks becoming an instrument of political discretion,” ECR co-chairman Nicola Procaccini said on Saturday after the U.S. backlash. The group supported the DSA when it passed through the Parliament, having said in the past the law would “protect freedom of expression, increase trust in online services and contribute to an open digital economy in Europe.”

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán said he’s not afraid to lose the next election, as he faces a rare challenge to his two-decade grip on power in Budapest. Polls show the Fidesz party of Orbán, who has served as prime minister for almost 20 years and uninterrupted for the last 15, trailing Hungary’s opposition Tisza Party, led by Péter Magyar. In an interview with Mathias Döpfner, CEO of German media group Axel Springer, which owns POLITICO, Orbán said he had “practice” in opposition and wasn’t concerned about his political survival, in response to a question about whether he would accept the result if he lost. Magyar is flying high in the polls on promises to root out corruption and revitalize Hungary’s stagnating economy. The election is set to take place in the spring, likely April. “I am not just the record holder of being prime minister, but I’m a record holder of being the leader of opposition as well,” Orbán said. “I have an experience. I spent 16 years in politics as leader of the opposition,” he added. “Don’t be afraid. I know how to continue.” Orbán’s 15-year rule has seen Budapest be criticized for backsliding on democracy and rule of law, with the populist-nationalist prime minister frequently clashing with the EU on support for Ukraine, LGBTQ+ rights and Russian sanctions. “The European Union is a danger to us. They are blackmailing us,” he said. “They try to suffocate us economically and financially.” Magyar is not his “main opponent” in the election, Orbán argued, but Brussels. “Brussels would like to change the government in Hungary. They would like a government here in Hungary, as they have done in Poland, which is following the instructions coming from Brussels on migration, on economy, on war,” he said. “But I’m not that guy.”

The U.S. on Thursday designated a German far-left group as a “foreign terrorist organization.” “Antifa Ost conducted numerous attacks against individuals it perceives as ‘fascists’ or part of the ‘right-wing scene’ in Germany between 2018 and 2023 and is accused of having conducted a series of attacks in Budapest in mid-February 2023,” according to the U.S. State Department. Commonly known as the Hammerbande (hammer gang), the German far-left group is accused of attacking and severely injuring several people in the Hungarian capital in February 2023. Some of the victims were linked to the far right. The attacks took place around the time of a neo-Nazi gathering, and the perpetrators were reported to have used metal bars and hammers. Legal proceedings are ongoing in both Germany and Hungary. The State Department’s move comes just days after populist-nationalist Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán visited his close ally, U.S. President Donald Trump, in Washington. The designation also follows Trump’s September executive order labeling Antifa a domestic terrorist organization in the U.S. Orbán later said he would follow “the American example” and classify Antifa as a terrorist organization in Hungary.

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music French President Emmanuel Macron has gone from “Mr. Europe” eight years ago to the solitary man by the Seine. At the same time, ex-German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s legacy is also going through a sudden and sharp downgrade. How did these centrist pillars of Europe tank so quickly? With parties on the far right and far left rising up in their place, are citizens actually becoming more extreme — or are they just fed up? To discuss these questions, host Sarah Wheaton was joined by John Kampfner — an expert on Germany, Nick Vinocour — our chief foreign affairs correspondent, and Clea Caulcutt — our senior correspondent in Paris. Plus, we dive into the alleged espionage scandal facing Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi.

Viktor Orbán’s rival Péter Magyar has accused Hungarian Commissioner Oliver Várhelyi of holding back information about his time as an ambassador during a period when a spy ring is alleged to have operated out of his office. Reports last week by several media outlets alleged that Hungarian intelligence officials disguised as diplomats had tried to recruit European Union staffers as spies during Várhelyi’s time as Hungary’s envoy to Brussels. EU Health Commissioner Várhelyi told European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen over the weekend that he was “not aware” of alleged efforts by Orbán’s government to recruit spies in Brussels, according to a Commission spokesperson. The Commission said last week it would probe the allegations. But Magyar, who holds a sharp lead on Orbán in current polling ahead of April’s parliamentary election, wrote in a Facebook post: “In my opinion, Olivér Várhelyi, the current EU Commissioner and former EU Ambassador (and my former boss), did not reveal the whole truth when he denied this during the official investigation the other day.” Várhelyi served as ambassador to Hungary’s permanent representation to the EU between 2015 and 2019, having previously worked as the deputy ambassador from 2011. Magyar worked at the permanent representation office in Brussels between 2011 and 2015. POLITICO contacted several members of Commissioner Várhelyi’s team about Magyar’s allegations, but did not receive a response. Magyar also named Hungarian government minister János Lázár in his Facebook post, writing it was “a common fact” that secret service people were deployed to Brussels during Lázár’s time overseeing EU affairs from 2012 to 2018. Lázár did not respond to POLITICO’s request for comment on Magyar’s post, but was quoted in the Hungarian press this week as saying: “I don’t recall the exact details — I’m not great at remembering — but my duty is to protect my country.” “If Hungarian intelligence had gone to Brussels … I would honor them, not reprimand them,” he said, adding: “That is their role: to defend the nation’s interests. … Their job is to safeguard the country’s independence.” Csongor Körömi contributed reporting.

John Austin is a visiting fellow with the Academy of International Affairs — NRW, and the former president of the Michigan State Board of Education. Since U.S. President Donald Trump’s reelection, much has been made of how he and other would-be authoritarians have inherited Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s playbook for undermining democracy. Attempting to operationalize a similar script, Trump and his allies have been intimidating and coopting independent branches of government, politicizing universities, stifling dissent in the media, rewarding friends and family with government largesse, and letting a new homegrown oligarchy of tech moguls in on the kleptocracy. Very few, however, see the inevitable outcomes of this playbook: a deteriorating economy and the crumbling of the basic services that sustain the public’s faith in government. So, when does the tide turn? Historian Anne Applebaum is among the few who clearly draw this link, noting that MAGA and other Trumpian imitators are in love with Orbán’s illiberal “playbook” largely because it coopts the machinery of democracy rather than directly assaulting it. But what they fail to notice are the long-term consequences of corruption, poverty, diminished living standards — and, crucially, a soured public. Today, the extent of dissatisfaction with Orbán in Hungary, which has been building beneath the authoritarian surface for years, is finally out in public view. It was evidenced during the Budapest Pride Parade, which turned into a mass anti-Orbán rally after the prime minister’s efforts to quash it, and can now be seen in the current groundswell of support for opposition candidate Péter Magyar and his Tisza party. During Orbán’s first decade in power, Hungary’s endemic corruption and the prime minister’s maneuvers to coopt democracy were largely masked — or tolerated — as an EU-led infusion of resources and concomitant economic growth reinforced the notion that “Orbán delivers.” Now, however, the collapse of the country’s health care system and growing dissatisfaction with the education system, along with high housing costs, rising prices and diminished living standards are all being pinned on the Orbán-led Fidesz party. Recent polling by the independent Hungarian research firm Policy Solutions found that large majorities associate Orbán’s tenure with the growing gap between the rich and poor (63 percent), as well as the deterioration of health care (67 percent), education (63 percent) and the overall state of the economy (57 percent). A majority of voters also hold Orbán responsible for an increase in corruption (60 percent) and Hungary’s diminishing international stature (58 percent). Moreover, Magyar is polling ahead of Orbán in advance of next year’s national election, and his Tisza party is viewed as more competent in handling basic government functions. After 15 years, it seems Hungarian voters are finally fed up. In this context, Hungary’s opposition is wisely following the tactic set forth by Poland’s EU-friendly Prime Minister Donald Tusk, when he was wrestling power back from the anti-democratic Law and Justice party: Promising to unlock EU money, which was frozen because of the government’s assault on democracy, to help fund sorely needed services, and to bring fresh EU scrutiny on the government’s circle of graft and corruption. Orbán, for his part, is desperately trying to change the subject and make the upcoming election a referendum on pulling back support for Ukraine and its EU bid — a campaign that includes substantial disinformation (like claiming Ukrainians are responsible for crimes in Hungary. The extent of dissatisfaction with Orbán in Hungary, which has been building beneath the authoritarian surface for years, is finally out in public view. It was evidenced during the Budapest Pride Parade. | Zoltán Balogh/EPA Meanwhile, across the Atlantic, the U.S. is only nine months into Trump 2.0, but if his administration’s policy choices to date are any indication — with the economy doing worse, basic government services gutted, corruption and kleptocracy running amok, and America’s global prestige dramatically diminished — Trump’s playbook could unravel just like Orbán’s. The U.S. certainly can’t launch on-and-off tariff wars with friend and foe alike without slowing economic growth and raising prices. Moreover, the administration can’t make deep cuts to government programs for health care, food stamps, veterans and education — all while giving tax cuts to the wealthy — without seeing longer-term effects similar to Orbán’s Hungary. Over time, these policies will push more people into poverty and make the already yawning gap between America’s rich and poor even larger — not to mention the impact on thousands more around the world. And, of course, similar to his Hungarian counterpart, Trump is trying to distract and change the subject when criticism gets too hot, or his promises of making America great again go horribly awry — like when his “Liberation Day” tariffs spooked and tanked the market. Along these lines, the fresh assault on Portland’s alleged “radicals” and potentially Venezuela have been summoned to refocus public attention. But is there a point of no return? Restoring real democracy in Hungary isn’t a sure thing, as Orbán could again change electoral rules, have his opponents declared ineligible, or turn a blind eye to aggressive election interference from Russia and China, which can’t afford to lose their chief EU troublemaker. Hungary’s opposition is wisely following the tactic set forth by Poland’s EU-friendly Prime Minister Donald Tusk, when he was wrestling power back from the anti-democratic Law and Justice party. | Zbigniew Meissner/EPA But with public opinion hardening against the regime and a push to make the upcoming election one of true change, Orbán’s blatantly illegal maneuvers — much like his attempt to pull the plug on Budapest Pride — may well backfire. As one leading Hungarian opposition voice put it: “We are not Belarus. Orbán’s rule still depends on public support, and Hungary is a member of the European Union, [so it] has to at least appear to play by its rules and norms if we want to stay.” Trump, too, could yet avoid the public turning on him through continual distractions — with foreign policy “victories” like the new Gaza peace plan, for example — all dressed up to mask other failures. But as another Hungarian confidant told me: “I have much more faith in American democracy. You still have a largely independent judiciary; an aggressive and active free media; independent political power centers in state houses and mayor’s offices across the country.  Elections that (still) aren’t rigged…” So, let’s hope that both “democracies” still function well enough to allow the legitimate voice of the majority to have its say — a majority that expects its government and leaders to serve them and make their lives better, not worse. As goes Hungary, so goes America? Fingers crossed.

Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on Monday questioned Ukraine’s sovereignty and shrugged off accusations from Kyiv that Hungarian reconnaissance drones had violated the country’s airspace. “Let’s suppose they flew a few meters in there [Ukraine], and so what?” Orbán said on the Fighter’s Hour podcast produced by his Fidesz party. “Ukraine is not an independent country. Ukraine is not a sovereign country … If we, that is the West, decide not to give it a single forint [Hungarian currency], tomorrow Ukraine could shut down,” he added. Relations between Budapest and Kyiv have deteriorated in recent months as Hungary persists in blocking Ukraine’s EU accession while preserving energy ties with Moscow despite the Kremlin’s ongoing full-scale invasion. Orbán argued that Kyiv has already “lost one-fifth of its territory” to Russia and that its survival depends entirely on Western aid. “That is where sovereignty ended, and we support the remaining territory,” he said, adding that Hungary and Ukraine “may disagree, but we are not enemies.” Ordering an investigation into the incident, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Friday claimed “likely Hungarian” drones had crossed the border to conduct reconnaissance of industrial sites. Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó swiftly rejected the allegations, accusing Zelenskyy of “losing his mind to his anti-Hungarian obsession.” Orbán on Monday further downplayed the security concerns, insisting Ukraine should “be dealing with the drones on its eastern border” where the ground war with Russia is being fought. “No one is going to attack it from here,” he said. “Two, three, or four Hungarian drones, whether they crossed the border or not, is not the issue the Ukrainians should be concerned with.” The broader Kyiv-Budapest feud shows no sign of abating. Later Monday, Gergely Gulyás, the minister overseeing Orbán’s office, said Hungary was introducing “reflective measures against Ukrainian news portals” in retaliation for Kyiv’s decision in mid-September to block several foreign news sites, including the Hungarian pro-government outlets Origo and Demokrata, citing concerns they were spreading Russian propaganda. Veronika Melkozerova contributed to this report.

The European Parliament’s Legal Affairs Committee (JURI) voted Tuesday against lifting the immunity of left-wing Italian MEP Ilaria Salis, arguing that she would not get a fair trial in Viktor Orbán’s Hungary. Salis, 41, was arrested in February 2023 in Budapest, charged with attempted assault on a far-right activist and accused of belonging to an extreme left-wing group. She spent more than a year in jail in Hungary before being elected to the Parliament with Italy’s Greens and Left Alliance. The detention of Salis — who sits with The Left group in Parliament — sparked outrage after images of her in shackles went viral. Her father, Roberto Salis, denounced the conditions in which she was held as “inhumane,” while critics accused the Hungarian government of weaponizing the judiciary to intimidate anti-fascists. Salis denies the charges and has called them politically motivated. This article is being updated.