Zbigniew Ziobro spent eight years reshaping Poland’s legal system. Now, speaking from political asylum in Hungary, the former justice minister says the same system is being turned against him, and that he can only fight it from abroad. Ziobro, once one of the most powerful figures in Polish politics, ran the justice system under the nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) government from 2015 to 2023. He is now under investigation over the alleged misuse of public funds and the deployment of Pegasus spyware against political opponents — cases pursued by prosecutors under Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s centrist government. “My presence here isn’t an escape of any kind — it’s a form of fighting back,” Ziobro told POLITICO by telephone from Budapest, after Viktor Orbán’s government granted him asylum earlier this month. “Because here I can fight. There, I’d be stripped of any ability to do so.” Prosecutors say investigations linked to Ziobro are part of an effort to unwind decisions taken during his tenure, when sweeping judicial reforms gave ministers broad influence over prosecutors and disciplinary control over judges. Those changes put Poland on a prolonged collision course with Brussels and were later condemned by EU courts. Ziobro rejected those allegations and cast himself as a victim of political revenge. “I wanted to reform Poland’s judiciary — and that was never accepted, including by the EU,” he said. “They had the right to criticize me politically. They did not have the right to falsely accuse me of theft.” He accused prosecutors of using pre-trial detention as a political weapon against figures linked to his former ministry. As an example, Ziobro pointed to the case of two of his former aides and that of Michał Olszewski, a Catholic priest accused of misusing funds from a justice ministry program for crime victims. Olszewski spent months in pre-trial detention, and Poland’s ombudsman later cited instances of improper treatment. Hungary’s decision to grant Ziobro asylum has pushed the dispute beyond Poland’s borders, infuriating Warsaw and raising questions about the EU’s ability to enforce cooperation between member states. Poland’s justice minister, Waldemar Żurek, called the move a “dangerous precedent,” warning it could allow governments to shield political allies from accountability at home. From exile, Ziobro has broadened his attack. He accused the European Commission and its president, Ursula von der Leyen, of hypocrisy for condemning alleged rule-of-law abuses under PiS while tolerating what he called “lawlessness” under the current government in Warsaw. Polish officials reject that. Deputy Foreign Minister Ignacy Niemczycki on Monday pointed to assessments by international organizations showing that rule-of-law standards deteriorated under PiS and have improved since the change of government. “Given Poland’s political situation, not everything we would like to do is possible,” Niemczycki said, responding to a question from POLITICO in Brussels. “But what happens in practice matters far more. And speaking frankly, if Ziobro has fled to Hungary, then what exactly are we debating?” A DIVIDED RECEPTION AT HOME Ziobro’s safe haven in Budapest may not last. Hungary is heading toward a parliamentary election in April, with pro-EU opposition challenger Péter Magyar leading in polls. Asked whether a change of government could jeopardize his asylum status, Ziobro brushed off the question and instead mounted a vigorous defense of Orbán. “Hungarians will choose Orbán,” Ziobro said. “They know that in an unstable world, experience and the ability to protect the country’s security matter.” He rejected claims that Orbán’s ties to Russia reflected an ideological sympathy. Instead, Ziobro argued that Hungary’s reliance on Russian gas left it little room to maneuver. Back in Poland, Ziobro’s asylum has divided opinion. Polls suggest a majority of PiS voters see Ziobro’s stay in Hungary as a liability for the party. President Karol Nawrocki, a PiS ally, has offered only a cautious backing, warning that not everyone in Poland can count on a fair trial. Pro-PiS broadcaster Telewizja Republika has amplified Ziobro’s narrative of a witch-hunt, producing near-constant television coverage on police searches, detentions and court proceedings involving the former minister’s allies. From Budapest, Ziobro said he is writing a book about what he called “Europe’s hypocrisy and Tusk’s dictatorship,” as Polish tabloids chronicle his new life strolling about the Hungarian capital. He insisted his exile is temporary and said he plans to return to Polish politics, staging a comeback ahead of the 2027 parliamentary election. “I am convinced Tusk’s government will fall,” he said. “It will end in failure and he will have to answer for what he has done.”

A Kazakh court sentenced three Belgian football fans to short jail terms after they dressed in mankini swimsuits made famous by the Borat film. Police detained the Belgian citizens during the Champions League match between Kairat Almaty and Club Brugge on Tuesday evening, according to the news agency Belga. Police said the men were drunk, removed their clothes and caused a disturbance. On Thursday, an Astana court sentenced the men to five days of administrative detention for disrupting public order. A video circulating on X showed three men wearing green mankini-style swimsuits despite freezing temperatures in eastern Kazakhstan, while chanting in Dutch “Borat is van ons ole ole,” or “Borat is ours.” A spokesperson for Belgium’s foreign ministry told POLITICO on Thursday that it was “monitoring” the case together with the Belgian embassy in Astana. “We are providing our fellow citizens with the necessary consular support,” the spokesperson said. British actor Sacha Baron Cohen created the character Borat, a fictional Kazakh journalist, in a satirical TV show that lampooned attitudes in the U.K. and the U.S. A 2006 movie adaptation, in which Cohen appeared as Borat in a neon-green mankini, became an international hit. The movie initially angered Kazakh officials, who banned it. Years later, Kazakhstan’s then-foreign minister said he was “grateful” for the character’s role in attracting tourists, and when a second film was released in 2020 the country embraced Borat’s catchphrase “Very nice” in tourism campaigns. Club Brugge won the match 4-1, keeping it alive in the UEFA Champions League, Europe’s top football competition.

PARIS — A senior policy adviser from the U.S. State Department asked a French magistrate last year whether she could intervene over the the election ban on far-right leader Marine Le Pen. The previously unreported details of the encounter will refocus attention on U.S. efforts to support the European far right. U.S. Donald Trump has slammed the electoral ban against Le Pen as an example of using “Lawfare to silence Free Speech.” French magistrate Magali Lafourcade told POLITICO that she and a colleague held a meeting in May with State Department adviser Samuel Samson, who made headlines last year for proposing the use of American taxpayer funds to support Le Pen. Lafourcade said she was sufficiently concerned by the American approach to notify the foreign ministry in Paris. The foreign ministry declined to comment. The meeting was organized by the U.S. embassy in Paris, and came two months after Le Pen was convicted of embezzlement, for which she was handed a five-year ban on running for public office that knocked her out of the 2027 presidential election. Le Pen’s appeal against her ban is ongoing and a verdict is expected later this year. Samson, a political appointee who recently graduated from the University of Texas at Austin, according to his LinkedIn profile, previously wrote an article for the State Department in which he described Europe as “a hotbed of digital censorship, mass migration, restrictions on religious freedom, and numerous other assaults on democratic self-governance.” Also attending the meeting with Lafourcade was Christopher Anderson, a diplomat from the same department where Samson serves as a senior policy adviser — the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. The embassy had arranged for the duo to meet with Lafourcade in her capacity as secretary general of France’s National Consultative Committee on Human Rights, a U.N.- accredited body that advises the French government on human rights but isn’t directly involved in ongoing legal cases. Lafourcade said the conversation had begun with a discussion of freedom of speech, then “fairly quickly it came to Marine Le Pen’s legal situation,” a topic to which “they kept circling back.” “They seemed to think it was a purely political trial, [happening] because she was an opponent,” she added. Lafourcade responded by explaining the French judicial process, but “that wasn’t of interest to them.” The diplomats asked whether her organization could intervene in such cases, to which she responded that it didn’t weigh in on individual cases. The U.S. embassy in Paris and the State Department did not immediately respond for comment when asked by POLITICO about Lafourcade’s recounting of the meeting. Beyond France, the Trump administration has sought to build strong alliances with nationalist, anti-immigration parties and leaders in countries including Germany, Poland and Hungary. | Jim Lo Scalzo/EPA Beyond France, the Trump administration has sought to build strong alliances with nationalist, anti-immigration parties and leaders in countries including Germany, Poland and Hungary. Washington styles these alliances as part of a crusade to defend “free speech” and traditional Christian values. The news of Samon’s meting also comes against a backdrop of concerns that Trump and his administration are pursuing a wider offensive against foreign judges whose rulings they don’t agree with. Such worries have been exacerbated by hints from the Trump administration in its bombshell National Security Strategy that it could help ideologically allied European parties. The U.S. in recent months has sanctioned 11 judges from the International Criminal Court, including Nicolas Guillou, a French magistrate who green-lighted an ICC arrest warrant against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes in Gaza — which Netanyahu slammed as “antisemitic.” A report in German magazine Der Spiegel earlier this month said the State Department had considered imposing sanctions on the judges in Le Pen’s initial trial. The story prompted a furious response from a senior French judge, who said such a move would “constitute unacceptable and intolerable interference in our country’s internal affairs.” A high-ranking U.S. diplomat subsequently denied the Spiegel report, calling it “stale and false.”

Poland’s fugitive former Justice Minister Zbigniew Ziobro said he has been granted asylum in Hungary after claiming he faces political repression in his home country. “In this situation, I decided to take advantage of the asylum granted to me by the Hungarian government due to political repression in Poland. I would like to thank Prime Minister Viktor Orbán very much,” he wrote Monday in a social media post.  Ziobro, a senior figure in the nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) party that ruled Poland from 2015 to 2023, perceives an investigation against him as politically driven by the government of Prime Minister Donald Tusk. “I have become the target of personal revenge by Donald Tusk and his circle,” Ziobro wrote, warning that members of the government would face “severe consequences.” He claimed the proceedings against him amounted to retaliation against the opposition. Polish government minister Tomasz Siemoniak slammed Ziobro. “Refuge in Hungary is a downright perfect summary of Ziobro’s career. The former Minister of Justice fleeing like a coward from the Polish justice system. Total downfall,” he commented on X. Ziobro was stripped of immunity in November last year, amid an escalating confrontation between Tusk’s government and the opposition Law and Justice. Several former Law and Justice officials are under investigation over alleged corruption during the party’s period in power. Ziobro is a key figure in an investigation into why and how the Law and Justice-led government allegedly purchased Pegasus spyware to surveil political opponents. If indicted, he could face up to 25 years in prison. Ziobro previously fled abroad. He said he had also applied for his wife to receive international protection. Hungary previously granted asylum to former Polish Deputy Justice Minister Marcin Romanowski, who faced 11 charges in Poland for misuse of public funds when he was deputy justice minister from 2019 to 2023.

The main rival to Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is incarcerated in a high-security prison just outside Istanbul, but that’s not stopping him from vowing to win the presidency from his cell. In written replies to questions from POLITICO, the democratically elected Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu struck a defiant tone from the notorious Silivri jail, and insisted he was still the legitimate electoral candidate who could end Erdoğan’s 25-year dominance of Turkish politics. The popular mayor’s arrest last March triggered massive nationwide protests and international condemnation. Turkey’s opposition views his imprisonment as a politically motivated maneuver by Erdoğan, an Islamist populist strongman, to remove his most effective secular opponent in the NATO nation of 88 million people. The 55-year-old, who faces a potential jail term of more than 2,300 years, replied via his lawyers and political advisers to a series of questions sent by POLITICO. The rare remarks signal İmamoğlu is confident in the groundswell of his support and is determined to remain a political force from behind bars. “What we are living through today is not a genuine legal process; it is a strategy of political siege,” he wrote. “President Erdoğan’s aim is not only to shape the next election. It is to erase my candidacy now and in the future, and to push me completely out of politics. The reason is clear: They know that in a free and fair election, I can defeat President Erdoğan at the ballot box, and they are trying to prevent that.” POLITICAL TIDE TURNS The sweeping crackdown against İmamoğlu — along with many other mayors from the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) — came amid signs that the country’s political tide was shifting dramatically to the secularists. The Islamists were defeated by an unexpectedly high margin in municipal elections in 2024, and the authorities moved to charge İmamoğlu on multiple counts, just as he was about to be nominated as the CHP’s official presidential candidate. Despite his detention, more than 15 million Turks still voted in a CHP primary to name him as the official challenger — a highly symbolic public outpouring, as he was the only candidate. İmamoğlu and members of his team were charged with corruption, extortion, bribery, money laundering and even espionage. The sheer scale of the case revealed its weakness, İmamoğlu explained. He complained of “1,300 inspections at Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality that produced no concrete findings; a 3,900-page indictment based largely on rumors and witnesses whose credibility is contested; a demand for prison sentences totaling up to 2,352 years; and a maximum trial duration set at 4,600 days.” The next election isn’t expected until 2028, but İmamoğlu is still seen as posing a particular risk. He has defeated Erdoğan’s party allies in Istanbul mayoral elections three times; crucially, his party won in traditionalist, religious quarters of Turkey’s biggest city, which the Islamists had long seen as their political bastions. Erdoğan himself used the mayoral office in Istanbul as a springboard to win national power years ago. FIGUREHEAD BEHIND BARS Despite his incarceration, İmamoğlu continues to campaign online through platforms like X, Instagram and TikTok, with help from his team. According to Soner Çağaptay, İmamoğlu has little chance of being allowed to take on Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in a free and fair race. | Adem Altan/AFP via Getty Images But can a candidate really run a serious presidential campaign from prison, while Erdoğan controls all the vital levers of state? İmamoğlu’s main campaign account on X, which has nearly 10 million followers, was blocked in Turkey in May. The incarcerated mayor fully acknowledges the limits imposed on him but insists a campaign without his physical presence or podium speeches can succeed. “What defines a campaign is its ideas, its values, and the shared will of citizens. We have all of these on our side … Everyone is aware that my arrest is unjust. Even a significant portion of Justice and Development Party (AK Party) voters consider my detention unfair and see it as a grave blow to justice,” he wrote. He also stressed the importance of the CHP primary in demonstrating the swell of popular support for him beyond the traditional party base. “The presidential primary on March 23, 2025 demonstrated this clearly. Although I was detained, around 15.5 million citizens voted to support my candidacy. Only 2 million of that number were CHP members; the other 13.5 million came from every segment of society,” he explained. “The campaign launched by my party to demand trial without detention and early elections has gathered 25.1 million signatures. All of this reflects a demand that transcends party lines: a demand for justice, merit, and dignity.” Yet the legal fate of his candidacy now rests with a judiciary that has a poor record of independence. Last February, Istanbul’s chief prosecutor’s office opened an investigation alleging that İmamoğlu’s diploma from Istanbul University had been forged; one day before his arrest, the university annulled the diploma. Under Turkey’s constitution, presidential candidates must be over 40 and hold a university degree. Another hearing is expected later this month. According to Soner Çağaptay, an expert on Turkey at the Washington Institute think tank, İmamoğlu has little chance of being allowed to take on Erdoğan in a free and fair race, as the president will use the advantages of incumbency and state institutions to block his candidacy, stigmatize him and weaken support for the CHP. “Even though İmamoğlu can declare his candidacy virtually from a jail cell, there is no way this will be legally allowed — because for Erdoğan this would be a mortal political threat if this were a free and fairly contested race,” he said. FOREIGN POLICY FLOP In his responses, İmamoğlu took aim at Erdoğan’s “aggressive” foreign policy and his close relationship with U.S. President Donald Trump, linking both to the erosion of rights at home. İmamoğlu took aim at Erdoğan’s close relationship with Donald Trump. | Pool photo by Evan Vucci via Getty Images “It is clear that President Trump’s presidency has opened a turbulent era … Diplomacy has increasingly shifted from institutions to leader-to-leader dealings, squeezed between rapid bargains and gestures that rarely lead anywhere,” he wrote. He argued Erdoğan was seeking the legitimacy he had lost domestically in Washington, but questioned whether Ankara was really getting what it wanted. “We must ask what the concrete gains of this alleged success are. Despite claims that relations with Washington are improving, Türkiye still has not returned to the F-35 [U.S. stealth fighter] program and [associated] sanctions have not been lifted,” he wrote. “Our neighbor Greece continues, in violation of agreements, to militarize the Aegean islands. The alliance among Greece, Israel, and Southern Cyprus against Türkiye strengthens and extends steadily. Israel is pursuing provocative policies towards Kurds in various regional countries. The Gaza peace plan, struck with a ‘real-estate-dealer mentality,’ has still not ended Palestinians’ suffering and hunger. What is the government doing in response?” he asked. İmamoğlu also insisted that Erdoğan’s security-driven policy had narrowed the space for democratic politics at home. “Fundamental rights are restricted, pressure is placed on elected officials, and media and civil society are silenced, justified by ‘security’ and geopolitical importance. Over time, the idea that freedoms can be pushed aside ‘for stability’ becomes normalized.” If elected president, İmamoğlu said, rebuilding ties with Europe would be one of his top priorities, alongside fulfilling the democratic criteria to be a candidate EU member. “As the CHP, our goal of full EU membership remains intact. In the short term, we will work to modernize the Customs Union to include services, agriculture, public procurement and digital trade, and to align with European standards,” he wrote. MISSING THE CITY İmamoğlu said he is maintaining a strict routine in prison despite the bleak short-term prospects. He writes, reads and follows the news as closely as possible — not only for personal resilience, but out of a sense of public duty. “That responsibility does not end at the prison gate … I am treated within the official framework, but I believe detention should never be normalized in a democracy. Especially when it is used as a tool of political containment. The issue is not the conditions, but the principle: Detention and prolonged legal uncertainty must not become instruments of politics.” What he misses most is his family; his wife Dilek, his children, parents and friends. A large share of visitation requests are rejected without justification. “I also miss the ordinary rhythm of the city, walking freely in the street, direct contact with people, and sharing unplanned moments,” he wrote. He added that he keeps up his strength, knowing he is still part of a democratic movement larger than his personal circumstances. “That is what truly determines everything, not the walls around me.”

PARIS — A senior French judge warned Tuesday against “unacceptable” foreign interference after the U.S. reportedly considered sanctioning members of France’s judiciary. “If such facts were true or were to materialize, they would constitute unacceptable and intolerable interference in our country’s internal affairs,” Peimane Ghaleh-Marzban, president of the Paris court that handled a contentious case involving far-right chief Marine Le Pen, said in an inaugural speech to new magistrates, according to AFP. His comments come after German news outlet Der Spiegel reported that the U.S. State Department considered imposing sanctions on the judges who sentenced Le Pen to a five-year election ban last spring over embezzlement of EU funds, preventing her from running in the presidential election planned for 2027. Le Pen, who denies all charges, will face an appeal trial from next week, with a decision expected ahead of the summer. U.S. President Donald Trump had slammed the earlier verdict as “another example of European leftists using lawfare to silence free speech” and added “free Marine Le Pen” in a post on Truth Social. The Trump administration recently pledged to support “patriotic European parties” that seek to fight Europe’s “civilizational erasure” in its controversial National Security Strategy. The U.S. in recent months sanctioned 11 judges from the International Criminal Court, including a French magistrate who green-lighted an ICC arrest warrant against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for war crimes in Gaza. The U.S. Embassy in Paris did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Prime Minister Robert Fico’s leftist-populist government has suffered a setback after Slovakia’s top court temporarily suspended controversial legislation that would abolish the country’s whistleblower protection office. “The Constitutional Court’s ruling confirms that the new law is so contentious that it was necessary to suspend its effects. We view today’s decision as a significant milestone in safeguarding the rule of law in Slovakia,” the whistleblower’s protection office told POLITICO in a statement. The decision entered into force on Tuesday. The decision pauses the disputed law — which would otherwise have entered into force on Jan. 1, 2026 — until the court reviews whether it complies with the constitution. Since returning to power in 2023 for a fourth term, Fico’s Smer party has taken steps to dismantle anti-corruption institutions, including abolishing the Special Prosecutor’s Office, which handled high-profile corruption cases, and disbanding NAKA, an elite police unit tasked with fighting organized crime. The ruling coalition has also cracked down on independent media and amended the constitution to grant Slovakia’s national law precedence over EU law in “cultural and ethical matters.” The Fico administration — which bypassed a presidential veto after using a fast-track procedure to push through the bill — is not backing down yet in the whistleblower office dispute. “So far, it is only a decision to suspend the effectiveness … We are convinced that the Constitutional Court will confirm that the law is in order and will enter into force,” the interior ministry said in a statement. The government’s plan is to replace the office with a new institution whose leadership would be politically appointed. This move would cut short the current director’s tenure and weaken protections for whistleblowers. “It was a shock because it hadn’t been discussed, consulted, or even announced in any way beforehand. And in my first reaction I described it as the most blatant political interference in the activities of an independent state institution that I can imagine,” Zuzana Dlugošová, the head of the whistleblower’s protection office, told POLITICO. She warned that with protections weakened, whistleblowers will be “less willing to help the state uncover violations of EU law and fraud involving European funds, which are significant in Slovakia.” POLITICAL PAYBACK NGOs and the political opposition said they view the move as political payback from Interior Minister Matúš Šutaj Eštok, whose ministry had been fined by the whistleblower office for suspending and reassigning elite police officers under whistleblower protection without the office’s consent. The suspended officers had been investigating corruption among senior Slovak officials. The Interior Ministry told POLITICO in a statement that “the opposition’s claims of ‘revenge’ are false and have no factual basis.” “The change is not personal, but institutional. It is a systemic solution to long-standing issues that have arisen in the practical application of the current law, as confirmed by several court rulings,” the ministry said, adding that the proposed changes are consistent with the EU’s whistleblower protection directive. The European Commission, the European Public Prosecutor’s Office and several experts contacted by POLITICO disagree with ministry’s assessment. Transparency International Slovakia Director, Michal Pisko, said that the decision to ax the office “was a power move against an independent institution with which the Ministry of the Interior has long been in conflict.” Political scientist Radoslav Štefančík from the University of Economics in Bratislava said: “This office was one of the few that still operated independently of government power. The new office will be under government control and, as a result, ineffective. The main beneficiaries will be those who previously benefited from the criminal code reform: fraudsters and thieves, regardless of which political party they belong to. “This isn’t just about a single office. It concerns the entire system of checks on government power by independent institutions. It reinforces a system in which 99 percent of people must abide by the law, while a chosen few believe they stand above it,” he added. In a statement to POLITICO, the European Commission said it “regrets that the Slovak Parliament did not take the opportunity for thorough consultation and recalls that it had shared its concerns regarding several provisions of the law.” “As a reminder: We had communicated our strong concerns about several elements of this law in relation to EU law … This regards notably the dissolution of the existing Whistleblower Protection Office and the resulting early termination of the mandate of the Head of Office,” the Commission said, adding that it will review the law and decide on next steps. But experts point out that the Commission often moves slowly, allowing EU member countries to flout the rules with impunity. “Can the Commission recognize that it should act before it becomes too late? Because when it becomes too late, and the Commission starts the infringement process a year, a six months from now, who cares? It’s a done deal. The dust has settled,” said Vigjilenca Abazi, director of the European Whistleblowing Institute. “From experience, the European Commission usually ends up softening its stance and letting things slide. With all due cynicism, I think Fico will end up winning again,” Michal Vašečka, a political scientist at the Bratislava Policy Institute, said.

BRUSSELS — European leaders like Romania’s Nicușor Dan spent most of 2025 trying to work out how to live with Donald Trump. Or — even worse — without him. Since the great disruptor of international norms returned to the White House in January, he has made clear just how little he really cares for Europe — some of his key lieutenants are plainly hostile.  The U.S. president slashed financial and military aid to Ukraine, hit the European Union with tariffs, and attacked its leaders as “weak.” His administration is now on a mission to intervene in Europe’s democracy to back “patriotic” parties and shift politics toward MAGA’s anti-migrant goals.  For leaders such as Romania’s moderate president, the dilemma is always how far to accept Trump’s priorities — because Europe still needs America — and how strongly to resist his hostility to centrist European values. Does a true alliance even still exist across the Atlantic? “The world [has] changed,” Dan said in an interview from his top-floor Brussels hotel suite. “We shifted from a — in some sense — moral way of doing things to a very pragmatic and economical way of doing things.” EU leaders understand this, he said, and now focus their attention on developing practical strategies for handling the new reality of Trump’s world. Centrists will need to factor in a concerted drive from Americans to back their populist opponents on the right as the United States seeks to change Europe’s direction. Administration officials such as Vice President JD Vance condemned last year’s canceled election in Romania and the new White House National Security Strategy suggests the U.S. will seek to bend European politics to its anti-migrant MAGA agenda. For Dan, it is “OK” for U.S. politicians to express their opinions. But it would be a “problem” if the U.S. tried to “influence” politics “undemocratically” — for example, by paying media inside European countries “like the Russians are doing.” WEAK EUROPEANS Relations with America are critical for a country like Romania, which, unusually, remained open to the West during four decades of communist rule. On the EU’s eastern edge, bordering Ukraine, Romania is home to a major NATO base — soon to be Europe’s biggest — as well as an American ballistic missile defense site. But the Trump administration has announced the withdrawal of 800 American troops from Romania, triggering concern in Bucharest. As winter sun streamed in through the window, Dan argued that Europe and the U.S. are natural allies because they share more values than other regions of the world. He thought “a proper partnership” will be possible — “in the medium [term] future.” But for now, “we are in some sense of a transition period in which we have to understand better each other.” Dan’s frank assessment reveals the extent of the damage that has been done to the transatlantic alliance this year. Trump has injected jeopardy into all aspects of the Western alliance — even restoring relations with Russian ruler Vladimir Putin.  At times, Europeans have been at a loss over how to respond.  Does Dan believe Trump had a point when he told POLITICO this month that European leaders were “weak”?  “Yes,” Dan said, there is “some” truth in Trump’s assessment. Europe can be too slow to make decisions. For example, it took months of argument and a fraught summit in Brussels last week that ended at 3 a.m. to agree on a way to fund Ukraine. But — crucially — even a fractious EU did eventually take “the important decision,” he said. That decision to borrow €90 billion in joint EU debt for a loan for cash-strapped Kyiv will keep Ukraine in the fight against Putin for the next two years.  WAITING FOR PEACE According to EU leaders who support the plan (Hungary, Slovakia and Czechia won’t take part), it makes a peace deal more likely because it sends a signal to Putin that Ukraine won’t just collapse if he waits long enough. But Dan believes the end of the war remains some way off, despite Trump’s push for a ceasefire.  “I am more pessimistic than optimistic on short term,” he said. Putin’s side does not appear to want peace: “They think a peace in two, three months from now will be better for them than peace now. So they will fight more — because they have some small progress on the field.”  Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said at last week’s European Council summit that he wanted Trump to put more pressure on Putin to agree to a ceasefire. Does Dan agree? “Of course. We are supporting Ukraine.” But Trump’s “extremely powerful” recent sanctions on Russian oil firms Rosneft and Lukoil are already helping, Dan said. He also welcomed Trump’s commitment to peace, and America’s new openness to providing security guarantees to bolster a final deal.  Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said at last week’s European Council summit that he wanted Trump to put more pressure on Putin to agree to a ceasefire. Does Dan agree? “Of course. We are supporting Ukraine.” | Olivier Hoslet/EPA It is clear that Dan hopes Putin doesn’t get the whole of Donbas in eastern Ukraine, but he doesn’t want to tie Zelenskyy’s hands. “Any kind of peace in which the aggressor is rewarded in some sense is not good for Europe and for the future security of the world,” Dan said. “But the decision for the peace is just on the Ukrainian shoulders. They suffer so much, so we cannot blame them for any decision they will do.” Romania plays a critical role as an operational hub for transferring supplies to neighboring Ukraine. With its Black Sea port of Constanța, the country will be vital to future peacekeeping operations. Ukrainian soldiers are training in Romania and it is already working with Bulgaria and Turkey to demine the Black Sea, Dan said.  Meanwhile, Russian drones have breached Romanian airspace more than a dozen times since the start of the full-scale war, and a village on the border with Ukraine had to be evacuated recently when drones set fire to a tanker ship containing gas. Dan played down the threat.  “We had some drones. We are sure they have not intentionally [been] sent on our territory,” he said. “We try to say to our people that they are not at all in danger.” Still, Romania is boosting its military spending to deter Russia all the same. CORRUPTION AND A CRISIS OF FAITH Dan, 56, won the presidency in May this year at a tense moment for the country of 19 million people. The moderate former mayor of Bucharest defeated his populist, Ukraine-skeptic opponent against the odds. The vote was a rerun, after the first attempt to hold a presidential election was canceled last December over allegations of massive Russian interference and unlawful activity in support of the far-right front-runner Călin Georgescu. Legal cases are underway, including charges against Georgescu and others over an alleged coup plot. But for many Romanians, the cancelation of the 2024 election merely reinforced their cynicism toward the entire democratic system in their country. They wanted change and almost half the electorate backed the far right to deliver it.  Corruption today remains a major problem in Romania and Dan made it his mission to restore voters’ faith. In his first six months, however, he prioritized painful and unpopular public-sector spending cuts to bring the budget deficit — which was the EU’s biggest — under control. “On the big problems of society, starting with corruption, we didn’t do much,” Dan confessed. That, he said, will change. A recent TV documentary about alleged corruption in the judiciary provoked street demonstrations and a protest letter signed by hundreds of judges. Dan is due to meet them this week and will then work on legislative reforms focused on making sure the best magistrates are promoted on merit rather than because of who they know. “People at the top are working for small networks of interests, instead of the public good,” Dan said. But for many Romanians, the cancellation of the 2024 election merely reinforced their cynicism toward the entire democratic system in their country. | Robert Ghement/EPA He was also clear that the state has not yet done enough to explain to voters why the election last year was canceled. More detail will come in a report expected in the next two months, he said. RUSSIAN MEDDLING One thing that is now obvious is that Russia’s attack on Romanian democracy, including through a vast TikTok influence campaign, was not isolated. Dan said his country has been a target for Moscow for a decade, and other European leaders tell him they now suffer the same disinformation campaigns, as well as sabotage. Nobody has an answer to the torrent of fake news online, he said. “I just have talks with leaders for countries that are more advanced than us and I think nobody has a complete answer,” he said. “If you have that kind of information and that information arrived to half a million people, even if you’re coming the next day saying that it was false, you have lost already.” The far-right populist Alliance for the Union of Romanians party is ahead in the polls on about 40 percent, mirroring the pattern elsewhere in Europe. Dan, who beat AUR leader George Simion in May, believes his own team must get closer to the people to defeat populism. And he wishes that national politicians around Europe would stop blaming all their unpopular policies on Brussels because that merely fuels populist causes. Dan said he has learned that EU politics is in fact a democratic process, in which different member countries bring their own ideas forward. “With my six months’ experience, I can say that it’s quite a debate,” he said. “There is not a bureaucratic master that’s arranging things. It’s a democracy. It’s a pity that the people do not feel that directly.” But what about those marathon EU summits that keep everyone working well beyond midnight? “The topics are well chosen,” Dan said. “But I think the debates are a little bit too long.”

Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party is picking a fight with the country’s influential central bank over gold reserves, stepping up a conflict between the government and the country’s technocratic elite. Last month, Lucio Malan, who is chief whip for the Brothers of Italy in the Senate and a close ally of Meloni, introduced an amendment to the 2026 budget that would assert the Italian state’s ownership of close to €290 billion worth of gold reserves held by the Bank of Italy.  At first glance, it seems clear enough why this amendment came into being. Italy has a staggering amount of debt on its books, around 140 percent of the national gross domestic product, and is under strict EU orders to rein in its deficit, resulting in a perennial budget squeeze.  So it might seem logical to raid the world’s third-largest reserve of gold to pay down Europe’s second-largest debt pile. The temptation to do so has been getting stronger by the day: The value of the Bank’s hoard has risen 60 percent over the past year, thanks to a global rally driven largely by other central banks’ buying. But as usual in Italy, it’s not so simple. For one, the amendment doesn’t imply putting the gold to any specific use, but merely claims that the gold is property of the Italian people. “Nothing is going to be transferred,” Malan himself told POLITICO over the weekend. “That gold has always belonged to the Italian people, and that’s going to stay the same.” He pushed back at “even the most distant hypothesis that even the smallest part of the gold reserves are going to be sold off.”  Just as well. Three previous prime ministers — Romano Prodi, Silvio Berlusconi and Giuseppe Conte — have all had a sniff at similar schemes to bring the gold under more direct government control. But those schemes — the last of which was only six years ago — all foundered on the objections of the European Central Bank. The ECB published a withering opinion on the legality of the proposal on Wednesday, bluntly reminding Rome that the EU Treaty gives the Eurosystem exclusive rights over holding and managing the foreign reserves of those countries that use the euro (and pointing out that it said exactly the same thing six years ago). “This proposal has no chance of materializing,” said Lucio Pench, a professor specializing in economic governance and a fellow at the think tank Bruegel, pointing to the “clear conflict” with the EU treaty. But if the amendment is essentially just gesture politics, the question arises — what exactly is its purpose? A SHOT ACROSS THE BOW Some see in it a warning shot at the Bank of Italy, arguing that Malan, as Meloni’s chief Senate whip, is unlikely to have acted without the premier’s consent (Malan himself didn’t comment on whether Meloni approved the amendment). In the corridors of the Bank itself, behind its neoclassical facade on Via Nazionale in the heart of Rome, the move prompted consternation at the highest levels.  “I can tell you that people at the bank are furious,” fumed one official, adding that the proposal is illegal under EU law. “Our government — even if made up of thieves — cannot steal from the central bank, even if it writes it into a law.” Lucio Malan, a close ally of Meloni, introduced an amendment to the 2026 budget that would assert the Italian state’s ownership of close to €290 billion worth of gold reserves held by the Bank of Italy. | Simona Granati/Getty Images The Bank of Italy declined to comment on that point, but several Bank officials admitted privately that the move is consistent with a growing sense of antagonism from Meloni’s government. The Bank has always drawn the ire of the populist right, which blames it variously for the erosion of real wages over three decades and for the fall of the late Silvio Berlusconi.  But such antagonism is also consistent with a broader trend across the Western world, where deeply indebted governments are leaning on their central banks, as fiscal needs become more pressing and as dissatisfaction with the technocratic management of the economy grows. U.S. President Donald Trump’s attacks on the Federal Reserve this year have been the clearest example of that but, as one ECB official told POLITICO, the “independence of central banks is not only the problem of the U.S. — there is some encroachment globally happening.” There have been signs that the once close relations between Meloni the Bank’s governor Fabio Panetta — whom she brought home expressly from ECB headquarters in Frankfurt — have cooled. Indeed, Panetta was initially derided by some within the Bank for his apparent deference to the premier. However, some officials believe that relationship was strained when the Bank’s head of research, Fabrizio Balassone, criticized a government budget draft last month, suggesting that tax cuts aimed at the middle classes were more beneficial to wealthy Italians than poor ones. Bank officials maintained the analysis was purely technical and apolitical — “It was, like, two plus two,” one said in defense of Balassone — but it caused a storm in the right-wing, Meloni-supporting press.  The Bank’s leadership worried that the government was not respecting the 132 year-old institution’s “traditions of independence,” said another. Others see the amendment as being of a piece with a broader struggle against Italian officialdom: Francesco Galietti, a former Treasury official and the founder of political risk consultancy Policy Sonar, noted that in recent months, Meloni has pushed through a bill to rein in what she sees as a politicized judiciary, and also clashed with the head of state, President Sergio Mattarella, over an article that suggested he was plotting to prevent her from being reelected. Malan himself insisted that the gold initiative was not directed “against anybody at all.” He nevertheless described the move as emblematic of the Brothers of Italy’s “battle” — without elaborating. BROADER PLAY  Toothless though the bill is now, it still represents an interesting test case for how robustly the EU is willing to defend its laws against national governments who, across the continent, are becoming more and more erratic as they struggle with the constraints of economic stagnation and demographic decline. Earlier this year, the European Commission stood by while Meloni’s government strong-armed UniCredit, one of Italy’s largest banks, into abandoning a takeover that didn’t suit it. EU antitrust authorities only launched an infringement procedure after UniCredit dropped its bid in frustration. Reports also suggest that pressure from Rome is set to scupper a planned merger between the asset management arm of Generali, Italy’s largest insurer, with a French rival, out of fear that the new company would be a less reliable buyer of Italian government debt. If unchallenged, the latest initiative could soon become an existential challenge for the Bank of Italy, said a former official who maintains close connections to Bank leadership. “If you take the gold from the Bank of Italy, it no longer has any reason to exist,”he said. And while Governor Panetta collaborated happily with Meloni at first, “there’s always a limit,” the official said. “When it comes to independence, that’s where it ends — this is only the beginning of a war.” This article has been updated to include the ECB’s legal opinion.

PARIS — Marine Le Pen is trying to quash mounting speculation that she could get sidelined by National Rally President Jordan Bardella on her road to the Elysée after a series of flattering polls for her protégé.  Le Pen, who is currently banned from running in the 2027 presidential election pending an appeal of her embezzlement conviction, is in an increasingly awkward situation after two recent polls showed that 30-year-old Bardella is gaining traction as a presidential candidate at Le Pen’s expense. Asked Tuesday on TV station BFMTV why Bardella was only a plan B candidate considering his favorable polling, Le Pen said: “Because we decided as much.”   “We are the ones who decide, Jordan and me,” she said. Le Pen was found guilty last year of embezzling European Parliament funds and sentenced to an immediate five-year ban from running for public office. She will return to court in January after appealing all charges, which she has repeatedly denied and framed as politically motivated. She has said Bardella will run in her place if the appeal court upholds the election ban, but a decision won’t be known before spring.  SHIFTING DYNAMIC But while Bardella is officially his party’s plan B, polls show he is starting to outshine his boss. In an IFOP-Fiducial poll unveiled Tuesday, 44 percent of respondents said they wanted Bardella to run in the 2027 presidential election against 40 percent for Le Pen. Last week, a survey from pollster Odoxa showed Bardella winning against all the other candidates polled, beating the likes of center-right Edouard Philippe to leftist firebrand Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Le Pen wasn’t even polled. While polls this early before an election have to be taken with a serious grain of salt, the dynamic hasn’t gone unnoticed. Renaud Labaye, the National Rally group’s secretary-general in the National Assembly and a close adviser to Le Pen, said the poll was good news for the party, showing “the dynamic was on [their] side.”  Privately, party heavyweights say they don’t doubt Bardella’s loyalty but admit his rise raises uncomfortable questions for their camp.  While Le Pen must constantly face off questions over her viability as a candidate, Bardella is triumphantly touring the country to promote his newest book, drawing crowds in what many see as an ideal launching pad for a presidential run.  A National Rally lawmaker close to Le Pen, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said Le Pen’s truly believes Bardella supports her. But, the lawmaker admitted, the book tour can also be seen as Bardella laying the groundwork for his own presidential candidacy.