“Laws that exist only on paper achieve nothing.” This is not a slogan. It reflects the reality described by small-scale fishers and points to a wide gap between European Union commitments and delivery on the water. More than a decade after the last reform of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP), the EU is once again debating whether to rewrite this policy, even though the CFP’s framework is fit for purpose and delivers sustainable fisheries — when properly applied. What continues to fail is its implementation. The clearest example is the legal commitment to end overfishing by 2020, a deadline still unmet. > If Europe delays action until after another lengthy reform, it risks losing > the next generation of fishers and hollowing out coastal economies. Nowhere is this gap more visible than in the Mediterranean, and particularly in Cyprus and Greece, where stocks are further weakened by the accelerating effects of the climate crisis and the spread of invasive species. The Mediterranean remains the most overfished sea in the world, and small-scale fishers feel these consequences directly. Yet, Cypriot fishers are not asking for weaker rules or a new policy. They are asking for effective enforcement of existing legislation, and support from national authorities. Without these, the future of fisheries as a profession is at stake. If Europe delays action until after another lengthy reform, it risks losing the next generation of fishers and hollowing out coastal economies. Photo by A.S.S. The experience of Cypriot and Greek fishers mirrors a broader European issue. Before reopening the CFP, Europe should take stock of the real gap, which lies not in the law itself, but in its uneven implementation and enforcement. Calls for reform are driven by familiar pressures: environmental safeguards are increasingly framed as obstacles to economic viability and fleet renewal. Reform is presented as a way to modernize vessels and cut red tape. But this framing overlooks lessons from the past. Europe has been here before. Excess capacity and weak controls pushed fish stocks to the brink of collapse, forcing painful corrections that cost public money and livelihoods. For small-scale fishers in the Mediterranean, these impacts are not theoretical. They are experienced daily, through declining catches, rising costs and increasing uncertainty. The Common Fisheries Policy delivers when implemented Evidence shows that where the CFP has been implemented, it delivers. According to European Commission assessments, the share of stocks subject to overfishing in the North-East Atlantic fell from around 40 percent in 2013 to just over 22 percent by 2025. In the Mediterranean, the figure dropped from 70 percent to 51 percent over the same period. These improvements are closely linked to the application of science-based catch limits, effort restrictions and capacity controls under the CFP. > Europe has been here before. Excess capacity and weak controls pushed fish > stocks to the brink of collapse, forcing painful corrections that cost public > money and livelihoods. Economic and social data tell the same story. EU fishing fleets have become more efficient and more profitable over the past decade. Vessels now generate higher average incomes, with wages per full-time fisher rising by more than a quarter since 2013. In its 2023 policy communication, the Commission concluded that the CFP remains an adequate legal framework, with the real gap lying in its application and enforcement. Those involved in the 2013 reform understand why this matters. The revised policy marked a clear shift away from overcapacity and short-term decision-making toward a science-based approach. The European Commission’s own assessments show that this approach delivered results where it was applied. Parts of the EU fleet became more profitable, labor productivity improved and several fish stocks recovered. The CFP remains the EU’s strongest tool for reversing decline at sea. Implementation results in progress; reform leads to instability and uncertainty Strengthening the CPF’s implementation would deliver tangible benefits, including greater stability for fishers and coastal communities, avoiding years of legislative uncertainty, and allowing faster progress toward sustainability objectives. Firm and consistent implementation can enhance economic resilience while restoring ocean health, without the delays and risks that come with reopening the legislation. Given the time and resources required, another round of institutional reform is neither efficient nor necessary. Priority should instead be given to effectively delivering the agreed CFP commitments. Photo by A.S.S. Cypriot Presidency of the Council: a moment for delivery This debate unfolds as Cyprus assumes the EU Council Presidency, at a moment when choices made in Brussels carry immediate consequences at sea. Holding the Presidency brings responsibility as well as opportunity. It offers a chance to help frame the discussion toward making existing rules work in practice, while addressing current implementation challenges. This is where the credibility of the CFP will be tested. > Sustainability and livelihoods move together, or not at all. Reopening the CFP now may send the wrong signal. It may suggest that missed deadlines carry no consequence and that agreed-upon rules are optional. For fishers, it would prolong uncertainty at a time when stability is already fragile. For Europe, it would undermine trust in its ability to deliver. The EU was not conceived to generate endless processes or delay action through repeated legislative cycles. Its purpose is to deliver common solutions to shared problems, and to support people and communities where national action falls short. The last reform of the CFP was built on a simple principle: healthy fish stocks are the foundation of viable fisheries. Sustainability and livelihoods move together, or not at all. This principle is already reflected in Europe’s agreed framework. The task now is to act on it. Fisheries are a clear test of that promise. The law is already in place. The tools already exist. What Europe needs now is the political resolve to deliver on the commitments it has already made. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Disclaimer POLITICAL ADVERTISEMENT * The sponsor is OCEANA * The ultimate controlling entity is OCEANA More information here.

BRUSSELS — European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen is determined to travel to South America next week to sign the EU’s long-delayed trade pact with the Mercosur bloc, but she’s having to make last-minute pledges to Europe’s farmers in order to board that flight. EU countries are set to make a pivotal decision on Friday on whether the contentious deal with Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay — which has been more than a quarter of a century in the making — will finally get over the line. It’s still not certain that von der Leyen can secure the majority she needs on Friday; everything boils down to whether Italy, the key swing voter, will support the accord. To secure Rome’s backing, von der Leyen on Tuesday rolled out some extra budget promises on farm funding. The target was clear: Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, whose refusal to back the Mercosur agreement forced von der Leyen to cancel her planned signing trip in December. At its heart, the Mercosur agreement is a drive by Europe’s big manufacturers to sell more cars, machinery and chemicals in Latin America, while the agri powerhouses of the southern hemisphere will secure greater access to sell food to Europe — a prospect that terrifies EU farmers. While Germany and Spain have long led the charge for a deal, France and Poland are dead-set against. That leaves Italy as the key member country poised to cast the deciding vote. Von der Leyen’s letter on Tuesday was carefully choreographed political theater. Writing to the EU Council presidency and European Parliament President Roberta Metsola, she offered earlier access to up to €45 billion in agricultural funding under the bloc’s next long-term budget, while reaffirming €293.7 billion in farm spending after 2027. POLITICO was the first to report on Monday that the declaration was in the works. She insisted the measures in her letter would “provide the farmers and rural communities with an unprecedented level of support, in some respects even higher than in the current budget cycle.” The money isn’t new — it’s being brought forward from an existing pot in the EU’s next long-term budget — but governments can now lock it in for farmers early, before it is reassigned during later budget negotiations. Von der Leyen framed the move as offering stability and crisis readiness, giving Meloni a tangible win she can parade to her powerful farm lobby. WILL MELONI BACK MERCOSUR? The big question is whether Italy will view von der Leyen’s promises as going far enough ahead of the crunch meeting on Friday. Early signs suggested Rome might be softening. Meloni issued a statement saying the farm funding pledge was “a positive and significant step forward in the negotiations leading to the new EU budget,” but conspicuously avoided making a direct link to Mercosur. (French President Emmanuel Macron also welcomed von der Leyen’s letter, but there’s no prospect of Paris backing Mercosur on Friday.) taly’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, whose refusal to back the Mercosur agreement forced Ursula von der Leyen to cancel her planned signing trip in December. | Tom Nicholson/Getty Images Nicola Procaccini, a close Meloni ally in the European Parliament, told POLITICO: “We are moving in the right direction to enable Italy to sign Mercosur.” Right direction, but not yet at the destination? The government in Rome would not comment on whether it was about to back the deal. Germany, the EU’s industrial kingpin, is keen to secure a Mercosur agreement to boost its exports, but is still wary as to whether sufficient support exists to finalize an accord on Friday. A German official cautioned everything was still to play for. “A qualified majority is emerging, but it’s not a done deal yet. Until we have the result, there’s no reason to sit back and relax,” the official said. Optimism is growing regarding Rome in the pro-Mercosur camp, however. After all, the pact is widely viewed as strongly in the interests not only of Italy’s engineering companies, but also of its high-end wine and food producers, which are big exporters to South America. Additional curveballs are being thrown by Romania and Czechia, said one EU diplomat, who expressed concern they could turn against the deal on Friday, reducing any majority to very tight margins. The diplomat said they believed Italy would back the deal, however. FINAL STRETCH? The maneuvering is set to continue on Wednesday, when agriculture ministers descend on Brussels for what the Commission is billing as a “political meeting” after December’s farm protests. Officially, Mercosur isn’t on the agenda. Unofficially, however, it’s expected to be omnipresent — in the corridors, in the side meetings, and in the questions ministers choose not to answer. Farm ministers don’t approve trade deals, but the optics matter. Von der Leyen needs momentum — and cover — ahead of Friday’s vote. France — the country most hostile to the deal — will be vocal. On Wednesday, French Agriculture Minister Annie Genevard is expected to open yet another offensive — this time for a lower trigger on emergency safeguards related to the deal. This would reopen a compromise already struck between EU governments, the Parliament and the Commission. It’s a familiar tactic: Keep pushing. “France is still not satisfied with the proposals made by the Commission,” a French agriculture ministry official told reporters on Tuesday, while acknowledging that there has been some improvement. “Paris’ strategy for this week is still to continue to look for a blocking minority.” “Italy has its own strategy, we have ours,” added the official, who was granted anonymity in line with the rules for French government briefings. France’s allies, notably Poland, are equally blunt. Agriculture Minister Stefan Krajewski said the priority was simply “to block this agreement.” If that failed, Warsaw would seek maximum safeguards and compensation. That means it’s all coming down to the wire on Friday. A second failure to dispatch von der Leyen to finalize the agreement would be deeply embarrassing, and would only stoke Berlin’s anger at other EU countries thwarting the deal. For now, it’s still unclear whether von der Leyen will board that plane. Bartosz Brzeziński reported from Brussels, Giorgio Leali reported from Paris, and Nette Nöstlinger reported from Berlin.

BRUSSELS — The European Union’s environment ministers struck a deal watering down a proposed 2040 target for cutting planet-warming emissions and set a new 2035 climate plan. Following marathon negotiations all day Tuesday and into Wednesday morning, ministers unanimously approved the bloc’s long-overdue climate plan, rescuing the EU from the international embarrassment of showing up empty handed this month’s COP30 summit. The plan, which is a requirement under the Paris Agreement, sets a new goal to slash EU emissions between 66.25 percent and 72.5 percent below 1990 levels until 2035. That plan is not legally binding but sets the direction of EU climate policy for the coming five years. The range is similar to an informal statement that the EU presented at a climate summit in New York in September. Ministers also adopted a legally-binding target for cutting emissions in the EU by 85 percent by 2040. The deal mandates that another 5 percent reduction be achieved by outsourcing pollution cuts abroad through the purchase of international carbon credits. On top of that, governments would be allowed to use credits to outsource another 5 percentage points of their national emissions reduction goals. Ministers also backed a wide-ranging review clause that allows the EU to adjust its 2040 target in the future if climate policy proves to have negative impacts on the EU’s economy. The deal also foresees a one-year delay to the implementation of the EU’s new carbon market for heating and car emissions, which is set to start in 2027. Hungary, Slovakia and Poland did not support the 2040 deal, while Bulgaria and Belgium abstained. The rest of the EU27 countries backed it. Lawmakers in the European Parliament now have to agree on their own position on the 2040 climate target and negotiate with the Council of the EU before the target becomes law. 

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music Beim EU-Gipfel trifft Friedrich Merz auf die Realität europäischer Politik und auf die Blockade des belgischen Premiers Bart De Wever. Der Streit um die Nutzung eingefrorener russischer Staatsvermögen für einen 140-Milliarden-Euro-Kredit an die Ukraine bringt die Verhandlungen ins Wanken. Hans von der Burchard berichtet über Druck, Deals und womögliche diplomatische Nachtschichten. Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren. Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski: Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski.

BRUSSELS — A weeks-long stalemate holding up the latest package of sanctions against Russia was ended Wednesday night after Slovakia lifted its veto, the Danish presidency of the Council of the EU confirmed. The bulk of the package — the 19th to be imposed on Moscow since the start of its full-scale invasion of Ukraine more than three years ago — focuses on sapping the Kremlin’s war chest by imposing restrictions on energy traders and financial institutions, many of them in third countries. Companies helping the Russian war effort will be targeted, in addition to 117 new tankers considered to be part of the shadow fleet that ships Russian fossil fuels in violation of the oil price cap. Earlier this week, energy ministers from 27 member countries agreed by qualified majority to a landmark phaseout of Russian gas, against the objections of Slovakia and Hungary. Slovakia had vowed to hold up the sanctions package unless it was given assurances on how to combat high energy prices and aid heavy industries like car making. Austria and Hungary had also expressed concerns over the sanctions package but lifted their veto in recent days. Slovakia was the last country blocking the new restrictions — and had sought concessions in the statement to be agreed at Thursday’s summit of EU leaders in Brussels. “All our demands … were included [in the statement],” a Slovak diplomat confirmed to POLITICO. The summit will seek to stress the EU’s support of Ukraine, in light of U.S. President Donald Trump’s pressure on Kyiv to cede territory to Russia. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is expected to join parts of the meeting in Brussels. Leaders are expected to emphasize the need to further hit Moscow with hefty sanctions over its war against Ukraine. Defense spending as well as the use of frozen Russian assets to support Kyiv are all on the agenda. The sanctions package will also significantly expand the number of non-Russian companies banned from doing business with the bloc in a bid to prevent Moscow from circumventing the restrictions. Defense spending as well as the use of frozen Russian assets to support Kyiv are all on the agenda. | Sergey Shestak/EPA Specifically, the bloc seeks to add export controls on another 45 companies that are deemed to be working together to evade sanctions. Those include 12 Chinese, two Thai and three Indian entities that have enabled Russia to circumvent the bloc’s sanctions. The package also restricts the movement of Russian diplomats within the EU. They will have to notify other EU governments of their movements before crossing the border of their host country. The package will now go through a so-called written procedure, where capitals have until Thursday morning to speak up. If no one does, the text is approved.

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music Beim EU-Gipfel in Kopenhagen zieht Friedrich Merz neue Linien: weniger Brüssel, mehr Nationalstaat, Bürokratieabbau statt Verschuldung und eine klare Ansage, dass Europa notfalls auch ohne die USA verteidigungsfähig sein muss. Seine fünf Europa-Prinzipien markieren eine Wegmarke in seiner Kanzlerschaft . Im 200-Sekunden-Interview erklärt der neue Heeresinspekteur Christian Freuding, wie die Bundeswehr zusätzliche Soldaten gewinnen will, warum 2029 als Bedrohungsjahr ernst genommen wird und weshalb Freiwilligkeit beim Wehrdienst ein erster Schritt ist . Innenpolitisch steckt Nina Warken im Kassen-Dilemma: Die Beiträge steigen weiter, der Schätzerkreis droht neue Löcher aufzureißen und dazu kommt Widerstand gegen Leistungskürzungen. Jürgen Klöckner ordnet ein, wie knapp die Optionen werden . Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren.

Listen on * Spotify * Apple Music * Amazon Music Beim EU-Gipfel geht es heute um Drohnenabwehr, eingefrorene russische Milliarden und den Dauerblockierer Viktor Orbán. Kanzler Friedrich Merz vollzieht eine Kehrtwende – und will 140 Milliarden Euro aus russischen Assets für die Ukraine als zinsloses Darlehen freigeben. Und die Debatte über Einstimmigkeit oder Mehrheitsentscheid geht weiter. Im 200-Sekunden-Interview fordert die FDP-Europaabgeordnete und Verteidigungspolitikerin Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann eine klare Linie: Putins Geld beschlagnahmen, Sanktionen verschärfen, die Drohnenabwehr ernsthaft aufbauen, aber Umsicht walten lassen nach Forderungen danach etwas vom Himmel zu holen. Innenpolitisch will die Bundesregierung härter gegen Terrorvorbereitungen vorgehen. Ricarda Breyton von WELT erklärt, wie der Gesetzentwurf über EU-Vorgaben hinausgeht. Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international, hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos abonnieren. Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski: Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski.

BRUSSELS — EU countries are racing to secure a deal on the bloc’s next seven-year budget before French presidential elections in April 2027, which they fear could hand power to the far right. A seismic political shift in the EU’s second-largest country could disrupt the politically sensitive budget negotiations, which must be unanimously approved by national capitals and are driven by domestic priorities.   The president of the European Council, António Costa — who will broker the final stage of the talks — is working to secure a deal in the Council by the end of 2026, his spokesperson, Maria Tomasik, told reporters on Friday. “At the European Council in December 2026, there will be blood on the walls,” said a senior EU diplomat, anticipating fierce negotiations. The diplomat, like others quoted in this story, was granted anonymity to speak freely. While French far-right National Rally party leader Marine Le Pen has been barred from running for public office after a French court found her guilty of embezzling European Parliament funds, she has challenged the ruling. Even if the decision is confirmed, the party’s second in command, Jordan Bardella, is seen as a serious contender to win the next election. The risk of a far-right victory in France is the main reason why budget negotiations are being fast-tracked, five officials and EU diplomats told POLITICO. That’s because National Rally’s far-right platform — which includes slashing France’s contributions to the EU budget and downsizing military aid to Ukraine — could throw a spanner in the Council negotiations. Jordan Bardella, is seen as a serious contender to win the next election. | Adnan Farzat/Getty Images Fueling the sense of urgency, other major EU countries, including Spain and Italy, are also set to go to the polls in 2027, adding a further layer of uncertainty to the budget talks. This rapid timeline has caused some annoyance among some, such as Italy and Poland, which are critical of the Commission’s €1.816 trillion proposal. They argue that fast-tracking negotiations makes it harder for them to make substantial changes — and plays into the hands of fiscally disciplined Northern countries, who support the Commission’s blueprint.   Costa’s timeline, however, would leave enough time for the European Parliament to make its changes before the budget comes into force on Jan. 1, 2028. BUDGET FAST-TRACK Negotiations on the EU’s next common fund are notoriously torturous. During the last round, a deal was only sealed at the end of a four-night meeting between EU leaders. But veterans of that summit, including Costa, are keen to do things differently this time. For the time being, the Danish Council presidency is fast-tracking technical talks, much to the chagrin of several EU countries that would like more time to review the Commission’s proposal. “We need time to understand better what’s been put on the table and all its implications,” said a second EU diplomat. Earlier this week, Italy and six other EU countries urged a slower pace of negotiations during a meeting of deputy ambassadors. Critics argue that the current deadlines for submitting amendments are unreasonable. Tensions are expected to come to a head next Wednesday during a budget-focused meeting of EU ambassadors. The Danish presidency wants to agree on a counterproposal for the budget — a so-called negotiating box — in time for a meeting of EU leaders in Brussels in December. Three EU diplomats said that Denmark is fast-tracking talks to bring forward the work before the Cypriot presidency, which has a very different set of priorities, takes over in January 2026. CLARIFICATION: This article was updated on Sept. 19 to make the quotation by Maria Tomasik more precise.

Denmark summoned the top U.S. diplomat in Copenhagen on Wednesday after Danish media reported that Americans with ties to President Donald Trump had carried out covert influence operations in Greenland. Danish broadcaster DR reported that at least three U.S. citizens linked to the U.S. government were involved in activities that, reportedly, authorities fear could be used covertly to support Trump’s desire to make Greenland part of the United States. Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen said the U.S. chargé d’affaires — currently its most senior diplomat in Denmark — had been summoned in response. He called any interference in Danish affairs “unacceptable,” and emphasized that Copenhagen “will of course not accept covert operations on our territory,” in a statement emailed by his ministry, according to the AP. “It worries me greatly because we do not spy on friends,” Rasmussen also said in response to a report in The Wall Street Journal. According to DR, one of the men compiled lists of Greenlanders supportive of, or critical toward, U.S. influence, while others maintained political and business contacts on the island. It was unclear whether they acted independently or under direction from U.S. officials. The move comes amid ongoing tensions over Greenland, a mineral-rich, self-governing Danish territory. Earlier this year, Trump told CNN that Washington would “100 percent” gain control of Greenland, even repeatedly threatening to use military force. Greenland is strategically important for U.S. military and Arctic security interests. Contacted by DR, Denmark’s security and intelligence service, known as PET, said the territory “is the target of influence campaigns of various kinds” and had strengthened monitoring in cooperation with Greenlandic authorities.

Denmark is prepared to face down the European Parliament over tougher migration rules, Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen told lawmakers as her country takes up the six-month presidency of the Council of the EU. “We have to lower the influx of migrants to Europe,” she said in Strasbourg on Tuesday. Frederiksen has built a reputation as the black sheep of European social democrats because she often sides with the right in pushing forward tougher rules on asylum and border checks. “What has been mainstream among our populations for quite many years is now mainstream for many of us politicians as well, finally,” she said. “Maybe not in Parliament, but gladly, and I am really happy about that, in the European Council,” where several leaders of EU countries leaders are determined to address migration problems. In pushing for a tougher approach Frederiksen finds herself on the same side as right-wing Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and center-right Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk. The Parliament ― the bloc’s only directly elected body ― is more divided than Europe’s governments, however. With a right-wing bloc pushing for stricter rules, and a center-left bloc opposing them, it will be complicated for the house’s centrist political families to come to any agreement on legislation. Following the EU election in June last year, which saw a surge in support to right-wing and far-right parties elected on an anti-migration base, the European Commission announced it would propose rules that would increase deportations, as well as a revision of the safe third country concept to allow for easier returns of migrants to countries they are not originally from. It would also make it easier for countries to set up so-called return hubs. TOUGH PRIORITY Migration is one of the topics where the center-right European People’s Party could bypass its traditional mainstream allies and use the support of right-wing and far-right groups. “It is challenging Europe, affecting people’s lives, and the cohesion of our societies,” Frederiksen said. “We saw it very clearly in the European Parliament elections last year. Migration was a tough priority for many Europeans, including myself.” Denmark, whose EU presidency will run until the end of 2025, will prioritize the proposals the Commission has already set out, and also “provide a much more effective response to Russia,” which, Frederiksen said, was “using migration as a weapon at our eastern borders.” “Our citizens expect us politicians to find new solutions with a good reason and European citizens have a right to feel safe in their own countries,” she said. “That is why we need to strengthen our external borders.”