LONDON — Emergency support to help Brits grappling with rising bills should go
to “those who need it most,” Chancellor Rachel Reeves said Tuesday — all-but
ruling out a Liz Truss-style universal bailout in response to the Iran war.
Pledging to “learn the mistakes of the past,” Reeves told MPs Tuesday that,
while “contingency planning” is underway for “every eventuality,” the government
will be “responsible” with public finances in any new state intervention.
Oil and gas prices have soared since the conflict began, leading to higher fuel
prices in the U.K. and sparking fears of a sharp increase in family and business
energy bills when a regulated price cap period ends in July.
Reeves said that, while the full impact of the crisis is not yet known, “the
challenges may be significant.”
In response to the 2022 energy crisis sparked by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine,
the government of then-Prime Minister Liz Truss subsidized the bill of every
household in the country — a policy backed by the Labour Party at the time.
But Reeves today criticized the “unfunded, untargeted” 2022 package, saying it
had pushed up borrowing, interest rates and inflation.
Between 2022 and 2024, households in the top income decile received an average
£1,350 of direct energy bill support, Reeves said, contributing to national debt
“still being paid today.”
However, the chancellor stopped short of explicitly ruling out a similar
approach. She said: “Contingency planning is taking place for every eventuality
so that we can keep costs down for everyone and provide support for those who
need it most, acting within our ironclad fiscal rules to keep inflation and
interest rates as low as possible.”
The government has already announced a £53 million package of support for
households that use heating oil, which are not protected by the energy price
cap.
The majority of households that use gas and electricity will not see prices rise
until July, when the next price cap period ends. The latest expert projections
suggest the average annual bill could rise by more than £200 from current
levels.
On fuel pricing, Reeves said the government would give an update “within the
next month,” amid pressure from opposition parties to extend a longstanding five
pence tax relief on gasoline and diesel — the fuel duty cut — beyond its expiry
date in September.
U.K. gasoline prices have have risen by nearly 16 pence per liter since the war
began, while diesel has risen by more than 31 pence.
Tag - Tax
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Nach dem Wahldebakel der SPD in Rheinland-Pfalz steht die Koalition mit dem
Rücken zur Wand. Friedrich Merz, Bärbel Bas und Lars Klingbeil haben sich auf
eine Flucht nach vorn verständigt: den Weg der schmerzhaften Reformen. Gordon
Repinski präsentiert das inoffizielle „Inspirationspapier“ von POLITICO mit
radikalen Vorschlägen für Deutschland – vom Rentenrealismus über eine echte
Steuerreform bis hin zur mutigen Zusammenlegung von Ministerien. Ist Schwarz-Rot
bereit, den eigenen Funktionären und den Wählern echte Kompromisse
abzuverlangen?
Während die Sozialdemokratie weiter wankt, blickt SPD-Spitzenkandidat Armin
Willingmann in Sachsen-Anhalt auf die nächste Schicksalswahl. Im
200-Sekunden-Interview spricht er über die „bedingt hilfreiche“ Performance aus
Berlin, warum er rollende Köpfe an der Parteispitze derzeit für kontraproduktiv
hält und wie er die Arbeiter im Osten mit einer Politik für die Mitte
zurückgewinnen will.
Bei den Liberalen ist die nächste Krisenstufe gezündet: Nach dem Verschwinden
aus den Umfragen im Südwesten soll im Mai die komplette Parteispitze neu gewählt
werden. Rixa Fürsen analysiert das personelle Vakuum: Kann Christian Dürr seinen
Posten halten oder schlägt jetzt die Stunde von Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
und dem NRW-Landeschef Henning Höne?
Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es jeden Morgen ab 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski
und das POLITICO-Team liefern Politik zum Hören – kompakt, international,
hintergründig. Für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Der Berlin Playbook-Newsletter bietet
jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Jetzt kostenlos
abonnieren.
Mehr von Host und POLITICO Executive Editor Gordon Repinski: Instagram:
@gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski.
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**(Anzeige) Eine Nachricht der PKV: Hätten Sie’s gedacht? Vom jährlichen
15,5-Milliarden-Euro-Mehrumsatz der Privatversicherten profitiert das gesamte
Gesundheitswesen. Denn neben den Haus- und Fachärzten kommen die höheren
Honorare auch den zahnärztlichen Praxen zugute, dem Arzneimittelbereich oder
Therapeutinnen. So stützt die PKV die medizinische Versorgung in Deutschland
zugunsten aller – auch der gesetzlich Versicherten. Mehr auf pkv.de**
The Trump administration violated the Constitution when it sought to restrict
press access to the Pentagon and limit what reporters could cover, a federal
judge ruled Friday.
U.S. District Judge Paul Friedman granted a request from The New York Times to
void the Pentagon’s press credential policy on grounds it violated the First and
Fifth Amendment, rejecting the government’s argument that the restrictions were
needed to prevent the disclosure of classified information.
“The Court recognizes that national security must be protected, the security of
our troops must be protected, and war plans must be protected,” Friedman wrote.
“But especially in light of the country’s recent incursion into Venezuela and
its ongoing war with Iran, it is more important than ever that the public have
access to information from a variety of perspectives about what its government
is doing.”
The ruling, which comes as journalists around the world seek information about
the war in Iran, rolls back a highly aggressive attack on press freedom
implemented last year by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, a former Fox News host
who has had a strained relationship with the media.
“Americans deserve visibility into how their government is being run, and the
actions the military is taking in their name and with their tax dollars,” said
Charlie Stadtlander, a spokesperson for The New York Times. “Today’s ruling
reaffirms the right of The Times and other independent media to continue to ask
questions on the public’s behalf.”
Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell said the administration would appeal the
ruling.
Last January, the Defense Department removed Pentagon workspaces for several
credentialed outlets, including POLITICO, CNN and the Times and granted access
to organizations considered more friendly to the administration. In May, Hegseth
announced additional restrictions on areas open to the media within the Pentagon
shortly after he inadvertently shared sensitive information about U.S.
airstrikes in Yemen on a Signal group chat that included Jeffrey Goldberg,
editor in chief of The Atlantic.
The Pentagon’s most prohibitive measure came in September, when the department
said it would only credential reporters if they pledged not to publish
information that was not approved for public release by the Pentagon. Nearly
every major news outlet refused to make that commitment.
Friedman said the policy violated the First Amendment because “the undisputed
evidence reflects the Policy’s true purpose and practical effect: to weed out
disfavored journalists.”
An attorney representing the paper hailed the decision as a “powerful rejection”
of the Trump administration’s attempt to “impede freedom of the press” by
restricting Julian Barnes, a reporter covering the Pentagon for the paper.
“The district court’s opinion is not just a win for The Times, Mr. Barnes, and
other journalists, but most importantly, for the American people who benefit
from their coverage of the Pentagon,” said Theodore Boutrous Jr.
LONDON — U.K. Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood has been warned her planned
overhaul of settlement rules for migrants will not save the £10 billion she has
claimed.
Instead, the policy to drastically increase the length of time migrants must
wait before gaining permanent residency could end up costing the Treasury
billions, according to a private briefing note shared with the Home Office and
obtained by POLITICO.
The document, drawn up by the IPPR think tank where Mahmood made the case for
her reforms earlier this month, is being used by Labour MPs to pressure for a
rethink of the policy. A leading critic said it totally “dismantles” her
financial argument.
In her speech, Mahmood cited increased welfare costs from the 196,000 migrants
on health and social care visas and their dependents who arrived during a
post-Brexit immigration spike, and who are expected to start getting settled
status soon, as a key reason for the overhaul.
Under her proposals, care workers would have to wait around 15 years before
being eligible for indefinite leave to remain (ILR), up from the current five
years.
“If we do not, we will see a £10 billion pound drain on our public finances and
further strain on public services, like housing and healthcare, already under
immense pressure,” Mahmood said.
But the progressive think tank, which is well-connected in Labour circles,
argues the Home Office’s calculations are flawed for four reasons.
The department’s figure is based on the cost of welfare spending over the
individuals’ lifetimes.
But the IPPR points out that estimates from the government’s own Migration
Advisory Committee (MAC) show dependents making net positive financial
contributions until they stop working, claim the state pension and start having
higher health costs.
Though Mahmood’s proposals will lengthen the time it takes them to gain access
to the welfare system, the change “will not make a significant difference to the
lifetime fiscal impact” of these migrants, according to the report.
“The only way this policy would significantly bring down the £10 billion
lifetime fiscal cost is if it led to large numbers of care workers and
dependents leaving the U.K. before they reached the qualifying period for
settlement,” the IPPR says. As it stands, that’s not the case Mahmood is making.
The primary reason care workers make a negative net lifetime financial
contribution is because they are poorly paid. Gaining settlement would allow
them to earn more by opening the door to work in any occupation. But delaying
this traps them in lower-paid work for longer, the document argues.
“The overall fiscal impact of the proposed earned settlement reforms should
therefore consider the potential costs of lower tax contributions from the care
worker cohort while they wait for settlement, as well as the fiscal benefits of
restricting access to public funds for longer,” the IPPR says.
If indeed the policy is to encourage care workers and their dependents to leave
the U.K. in large numbers then the briefing argues it could in fact add to
costs.
Estimates by the MAC, which advises the Home Office, point out that their adult
dependents are net positive contributors for 20 — and it’s only after around 40
years that they make a cumulative net negative financial impact to the British
state.
“Given the [Treasury’s] fiscal rules work to a 5-year horizon, the emigration of
care workers would make it harder — not easier — for the Treasury to meet its
fiscal targets,” the IPPR argues.
‘DISMANTLES THE RATIONALE’
The briefing also digs into the wider “earned settlement” policy. Estimates of
the effects are hard to ascertain because behavioral impacts are uncertain. But
last year’s immigration white paper was accompanied by an illustrative example
of a drop of between 10-20 per cent in skilled workers, care workers and their
dependents.
The IPPR uses this to calculate the cost to the Treasury based on that reduction
being applied to both care workers and skilled workers. They argue that this
would mean a potential cost to the exchequer of £11 billion to £22 billion over
the lifetimes of migrants granted relevant visas last year.
“Even if the policy is designed in such a way to minimise any direct effects on
skilled workers who make a positive fiscal contribution, it is possible that the
reforms will deter (and indeed may already be deterring) higher-paid workers who
seek certainty for their and their family’s status,” it says.
“Even a small impact on higher-paid skilled workers would counteract the savings
from care workers, given the per person net lifetime fiscal contribution of
skilled workers is £689,000, nearly 20 times larger than the per person net
costs of care workers.”
Leading Labour critic of the policy Tony Vaughan used the findings to argue that
Mahmood’s proposals “will be a fiscal cost to the U.K. for decades.”
“The IPPR report dismantles the rationale for this earned settlement policy,”
the MP told POLITICO.
“It would also undermine community cohesion and integration, weakening the bonds
that hold our society together. This is not a policy that can be trimmed around
the edges. It is fundamentally flawed and should be abandoned.”
POLITICO reported this week that the government is considering watering down the
proposals, potentially introducing transitions to ease the retrospective nature
of the changes that are proving most controversial among Labour MPs.
But, as critics consider parliamentary action to force a vote on the issue,
Vaughan indicated the compromises under consideration would not be enough.
“I say that as a loyal Labour MP who has never voted against the government and
who desperately wants us to succeed, but cannot in good conscience stand by and
see a policy as flawed as this, which is so strongly against our national
interest, reach the statute books,” he said.
The Home Office has yet to respond to a request for comment.
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Der EU-Handelsausschuss hat für den Zolldeal mit den USA gestimmt, doch das
Tauziehen ist noch nicht vorbei: Zwei Abgeordnete kämpfen als Delegation aus
Brüssel in Washington um letzte Garantien. Joana Lehner und Jürgen Klöckner
sprechen über das Finale und beleuchten zusammen mit einem US-Kollegen, ob
Donald Trump den Deal als politischen Sieg im Inland verkaufen kann oder ob die
deutsche Industrie weiterhin Milliarden an Zöllen verliert.
Im Policy Talk begrüßen die beiden VDA-Präsidentin Hildegard Müller. Sie spricht
über das „weinende und lachende Auge“ der Branche, die aktuelle
Milliardenbelastung durch US-Zölle und die schwindende Wettbewerbsfähigkeit des
Standorts Deutschland. Müller warnt: Wenn Europa wirtschaftlich schwach wird,
verliert es im Spiel der Großmächte an Relevanz.
In Berlin tobt derweil ein Ökonomen-Streit: Neue Studien vom ifo-Institut und
dem IW Köln werfen der Regierung vor, große Teile des bisher eingesetzten
Sondervermögens für Haushaltslöcher statt für neue Investitionen zu nutzen.
Rasmus Buchsteiner berichtet Off the Record über das anfängliche
Kommunikationsdebakel im Finanzministerium und die Frage, warum die
versprochenen Bagger in den Kommunen noch immer nicht rollen.
„Power & Policy“ zeigt jede Woche, wo und wie die Entscheidungen in der
Wirtschaftspolitik fallen. Jürgen Klöckner und Joana Lehner von POLITICO
sprechen mit Top-Entscheidern und liefern Off-the-Record-Einblicke aus der
Redaktion und Machtzentren. Präzise Analysen, lange bevor Gesetze beschlossen
sind. Der Podcast für alle in Wirtschaft und Politik, die einen Wissensvorsprung
brauchen — immer donnerstags.
Für Policy-Profis: Abonnieren und die Pro-Newsletter Industrie & Handel,
Energie & Klima und Gesundheit. Jetzt kostenlos testen.
Fragen und Feedback gern an powerandpolicy@politico.eu
POLITICO Deutschland – ein Angebot der Axel Springer Deutschland GmbH
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The Bank of England warned it may have to take a tougher line on interest rates
as the spike in energy prices caused by the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran pushes
inflation higher.
“Monetary policy cannot reverse this shock” to world energy supply, Governor
Andrew Bailey said in a statement on Thursday, after the Monetary Policy
Committee voted unanimously to leave the Bank rate unchanged at 3.75 percent.
“Monetary policy must, however, respond to the risk of a more persistent effect
on U.K. consumer price inflation,” Bailey added.
The Bank had only last month declared victory over inflation, which has been
above its 2 percent target for over four years. However, its latest analysis
suggests headline inflation will rebound back above 3 percent in the next three
months and could add as much as 0.75 percentage points to the consumer price
index over the summer, as higher fuel bills percolate through the economy.
“The MPC is alert to the increased risk of domestic inflationary pressures
through second-round effects in wage and price-setting, the risk of which will
be greater the longer higher energy prices persist,” the Bank stressed. However,
it also acknowledged that the energy price spike is likely to hurt economic
growth, and that it is “assessing the implications for inflation of the
weakening in economic activity that is likely to result from higher energy
costs.”
Until the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran, most analysts had predicted that a
slowing economy and growing prospects of easing inflation would allow the MPC to
cut rates at Thursday’s meeting.
However, the invasion and the ensuing turmoil in world commodity markets have
turned the situation on its head, by closing a vital chokepoint at the mouth of
the Persian Gulf, through which irreplaceable volumes of oil, gas and fertilizer
pass every day.
As a result, the Bank warned that there is now a real threat of higher energy
prices causing a broader rise in prices across the economy. Food prices face a
similar risk.
ALREADY OUT OF DATE?
The situation is changing so fast that the Bank’s latest forecasts could already
be out of date. The Bank said they were based on the situation as of March 16,
when Brent oil futures were only at $100 a barrel. But a succession of strikes
on key energy installations around the Persian Gulf since then has already
pushed prices up by another 12 percent.
“The news flow around the war in Iran looks more worrying for global markets
with each passing day,” Deutsche Bank strategist Jim Reid said in a note on
Thursday.
Analysts argued ahead of the meeting that the Bank would prefer to err on the
side of keeping policy tight in the face of the new risks, given lingering
concerns about its credibility due to its slow response to the inflation shock
in 2022. Inflation peaked at 11.1 percent back then, the highest rate posted by
any major economy.
The Bank’s change in outlook will make life doubly uncomfortable for the Labour
government, which had hoped that its efforts to close the U.K. budget deficit
would be rewarded with lower inflation and lower interest rates.
Instead, the government’s key 10-year borrowing costs have risen by nearly half
a percentage point since the war started, and they leaped again on Thursday,
first in response to Iranian attacks on a Qatari gas field, then to the BoE’s
statement. At 4.89 percent, the 10-year gilt yield is now at its highest in 15
months. The pound, by contrast, was steady against the dollar and euro after the
decision.
The Office for Budget Responsibility earlier this month already cut its
forecasts for U.K. growth this year. That implies lower tax receipts which,
combined with higher borrowing costs, threaten a new two-way squeeze on
Chancellor Rachel Reeves’ fiscal arithmetic, less than six months after she had
to raise taxes sharply at her latest budget.
LONDON — The U.K. government is considering substantial compromises on its plan
to make it harder for migrants to permanently settle in Britain, following a
backlash from Labour MPs.
Downing Street declined to guarantee on Wednesday that proposals to
significantly extend the length of time migrants must wait for permanent
residence would proceed as planned.
Angela Rayner, a frontrunner to succeed struggling Prime Minister Keir Starmer,
made a major intervention on the issue Tuesday night, intensifying the existing
pressure to change tack from MPs in Starmer’s center-left party.
Rayner, his former deputy PM, branded the plans “bad policy,” a “breach of
trust” and “un-British” in a speech.
The government issued a statement on Wednesday backing the broad policy of
increasing the standard route to settlement from five to ten years. But
officials reiterated that they were looking at transitional arrangements for
migrants already in the U.K. — suggesting that not all proposals would apply
retroactively.
That would address concern from Rayner and other critics that the government is
“moving the goalposts” — but also be a major headache for the Home Office, which
is facing the consequences of a surge in legal migration after Brexit.
One senior minister, granted anonymity to discuss internal conversations, said
one potential compromise was to introduce more routes for migrants to obtain
indefinite leave to remain (ILR) in a shorter timeframe.
They told POLITICO that the proposals had been “shifting anyway” before Rayner’s
intervention.
“No. 10 and the chief whip are heavily engaged with MPs, in a way that they
weren’t with the welfare reforms,” they added.
Critics have complained that lower-earning migrants will have to wait far longer
than high earners before being granted settlement under the government’s
proposed changes.
Tony Vaughan, the backbench leader of a push to get Starmer to rethink the
plans, told the same event that Rayner spoke at: “We cannot have a system where
the child of a banker gets settlement after three years and the child of a care
worker gets it after 15.”
On Wednesday, officials came under intense pressure to back Home Secretary
Shabana Mahmood’s plans. By the afternoon, the government released a statement
insisting it would “double the route to settlement from five to ten years,” but
added that “we are consulting to apply this change to those [who are] in the
U.K. today but have not received settled status.”
That consultation — which the government says has received 200,000 responses —
gives ministers wriggle-room to water down their proposals.
But if the changes aren’t applied retroactively, it risks undermining the
argument that they are being introduced to target the so-called “Boriswave,” a
nickname for the significant spike in migrants arriving in the U.K. following
COVID lockdowns under former Conservative Prime Minister Boris Johnson. These
people are due to start receiving settled status shortly.
‘OPEN FOR DISCUSSION’
Mahmood’s proposals are being dispersed through various pieces of legislation —
making a fightback against them harder for critics. The ILR restrictions will be
made via a rule change that doesn’t require legislation at all. But some Labour
opponents asked whether that position is sustainable.
“The big question is if politically they can do that even if they can legally,”
said one Rayner ally. “The one thing that appears to unite a growing body of
people is a blunt retrospective five to ten year element, with no protections.”
The opponents hope they can get the PM to water the plans down himself, but
failing that, they want to push for a vote. They’re yet to land on a means, but
tabling an amendment to one element of the legislation is one possibility under
discussion, one adviser told POLITICO.
Like other critics, the same adviser had been buoyed by Rayner’s speech: “That
was very helpful last night. That was a big intervention.”
Vaughan, an immigration lawyer at the firm where Starmer practised, Doughty
Street Chambers, has written a detailed letter to the PM calling for a rethink
that has amassed more than 100 signatures from fellow Labour MPs.
One government official said: “They’re doing an awful lot of engagement with
MPs. It’s been going on for weeks. I hadn’t heard that they were willing to
shift, but I’ve noticed that they’ve been doing loads of engagement. Anyone who
wants to talk to a minister is being put in front of one, and anything on the
proposals that have been floated has been open for discussion.”
Mahmood, however, thinks her plans are popular with the wider public. Her team
points to research by the More in Common think tank that suggests extending the
waiting period for ILR, even if applied to those already living in the U.K., is
backed by Green supporters on the left of British politics.
A LEADERSHIP PITCH?
Rayner’s comments on the migration proposals were part of a broader swipe at the
direction and strategy of Starmer’s government, from which she resigned over a
tax scandal in September. She said her party was “running out of time” to show
change and “cannot just go through the motions in the face of decline.”
Some of Rayner’s supporters — and critics — in Labour suggested privately that
her intervention was geared toward winning the support of grassroots members in
any future leadership contest.
Leadership contenders generally require some support from major unions, which
are formally affiliated to Labour. One of the largest, UNISON, branded the
migration reforms “reckless” in February.
One union official said: “Rayner’s intervention on changes to indefinite leave
to remain is savvy. It’s one of UNISON’s big campaign asks right now — UNISON
represents a lot of migrant social care workers. Rayner coming out publicly
against Mahmood’s proposals won’t go unnoticed.”
The left-wing TSSA union, which has already publicly backed Rayner to replace
Starmer, praised her “sound advice” on Wednesday while Andy Burnham, the Greater
Manchester mayor who had been touted as a possible leadership contender before
he was blocked from running for parliament, said Rayner “needs to be listened
to.”
A second union official said: “She’s playing a canny game, the way she’s got the
unions and Burnham on her side over this. She’s making clear that she is the
default candidate.”
LONDON — Green Party Leader Zack Polanski says the British
government should freeze energy bills this summer, as high costs caused by
conflict in the Middle East threaten to hit families.
In a speech at the left-leaning New Economics Foundation think tank Wednesday,
Polanski said ministers should not allow the energy price cap — a limit on the
amount homes pay for their energy — to increase when it is recalculated for
July.
The government should instead “guarantee right now that it will not allow energy
bills to rise beyond the April-June price cap,” Polanski — whose party is riding
high after a by-election victory last month — said.
But the plan has already drawn attacks from the Greens’ political opponents,
keen to paint the left-wing challenger outfit as profligate.
The last time the U.K. government intervened with a universal cap on costs was
in 2022, when then-Prime Minister Liz Truss froze average bills at £2,500 per
year, after energy prices rocketed on the back of Russia’s war in Ukraine.
That universal move ended up cost a whopping £23 billion. Polanski said his
policy, which would freeze bills at £1,641 for the average household, would cost
£8.4 billion, paid for in part through taxing high-polluting oil and gas firms
in the North Sea.
Government ministers have already stressed that homes covered by the price cap
would not see their bills rise before July.
But they are under pressure to get support in place for people exposed to bill
spikes once the price cap runs out, after wholesale gas prices surged as a
result of the Iran conflict.
Chancellor Rachel Reeves said last week that the Treasury is looking at
“targeted options” to help the poorest households. Prime Minister
Keir Starmer said on Monday the government is not “ruling anything out.”
The Resolution Foundation think tank said this week that the government should
“resist pressure to rush out updated versions of old support schemes like the
universal blank cheque approach of Liz Truss.”
Polanski insisted targeted interventions “are conversations we should have but
they’re not things we could bring in immediately”
He said if that means bailing out “wealthy people,” then the government should
overhaul the tax system, too. Polanski used his speech to repeat calls for a
wealth tax as well as bringing capital gains tax in line with income tax.
“The number one priority has to make sure that people can afford their energy
bills today and tomorrow,” he said.
Labour Party Chair Anna Turley said Polanski has the “wrong answers on the
economy.”
“Respected economists have sounded the alarm over the Greens’ ‘catastrophic’
plans to print money, which would hammer working people and their living
standards,” she argued.
BRUSSELS — The European Union and Australia are expected to conclude talks on a
long-awaited trade deal early next week, with Commission President Ursula von
der Leyen on Wednesday announcing she would visit from March 23-25.
Von der Leyen will meet Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese in Canberra,
according to a Commission statement. Trade Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič is also
expected to join the trip, although planning might yet change due to flight
disruptions in the Middle East.
Albanese confirmed the visit, saying in a statement that he would meet both von
der Leyen and Šefčovič on March 24.
Brussels and Canberra relaunched trade negotiations after Donald Trump’s return
to the White House last year. They had collapsed amid acrimony at the end of
2023 amid disagreements over quotas on beef and lamb. The breakthrough comes as
the EU looks to get closer to the Pacific-centered CPTPP trade bloc through its
deepening bonds with Australia.
In a letter to EU leaders shared Monday, von der Leyen said the EU and Australia
were in “the final stretch towards concluding” their trade agreement.
“In addition to removing trade barriers, it will also facilitate access to
critical raw materials — such as lithium, cobalt, rare earth elements, and
hydrogen — and strengthen Europe’s presence in one of the world’s most dynamic
economic regions,” she wrote, as part of a list on the Commission’s efforts to
boost competitiveness.
Negotiators had grappled in the home stretch to close the gap on access for
Australian beef and lamb to the European market; EU trade protections on
specialty foods; critical minerals; and an Australian tax on luxury cars.
Canberra and Brussels are also looking to seal a security and defense
partnership, which is finalized.
The EU top diplomat Kaja Kallas, who would be signing the defense deal, known as
Security and Defense Partnership, is however not expected to be part of the
trip. The pace would come on the heels of similar partnerships signed with the
U.K., Canada and most recently India.
Speaking last week at at the annual gathering of diplomats with the External
Action Service, the EU’s diplomatic body, Kallas said that the deal was coming
as she announced that “later this week, I will sign the tenth [SDP] with
Australia and subsequent ones with Iceland and Ghana in the coming days.”
James Panichi, Zoya Sheftalovich, Sebastian Starcevic and Nette Nöstlinger
contributed reporting.
President Donald Trump is demanding that the Federal Reserve immediately lower
borrowing costs. But the war in the Middle East has now made any interest rate
cuts much less likely in 2026 — not just in the U.S. but around the world.
With oil prices surging past $100 a barrel and Gulf shipping routes disrupted by
Iran, governments and investors are bracing for a repeat of the 2022 energy
shock from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. And from Washington to Frankfurt, and
London to Tokyo, the world’s central banks are likely to strike a more wary tone
on inflation while assessing the fallout during a flurry of policy meetings
taking place this week.
The effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a channel through which roughly a
fifth of global oil passes, is pushing up costs not only for energy and
transportation, but also for other key goods that are shipped through the
waterway. The result could be a toxic mix for central banks: higher prices and
lower employment, two problems they’re not equipped to address simultaneously.
“My best guess, but spoken with no conviction at all, is that this gets sorted
out somehow in the next few weeks, and by the middle of the year, oil prices
have come back down a fair amount,” said William English, a former top staffer
at the Fed who is now a professor at Yale University. “But there’s a real risk,
of course, that things go on for longer and are more damaging. And in that case,
all bets are off.”
The specter of a prolonged global energy crunch could dash the hopes of
consumers, businesses and investors worldwide for rate cuts this year — and in
some cases, throw those plans in reverse.
No immediate moves are likely except in Australia, which raised its target
rate by a quarter-point on Tuesday. But markets have already repriced their bets
on what comes next from monetary policymakers. Indeed, if the Fed does cut rates
later this year, it might be one of the few major central banks that does so,
given that other economies like Europe are more exposed to higher energy costs
than the U.S.
Before the war, investors saw a chance of cuts from the Fed, the European
Central Bank and the Bank of England. Now they’re pricing in an altogether
tighter policy stance: at least one ECB rate hike this year, a 60 percent chance
of a BoE increase, fewer and later cuts from the Fed and more urgency in raising
rates from the Bank of Japan.
Central bankers will prefer to wait until they get a better gauge of the
economic repercussions from the conflict because “the shock could turn out to be
negligible or very large,” said EFG chief economist Stefan Gerlach.
But few doubt the need for strong messaging as central banks are wary of
repeating 2022, when energy price shocks combined with the after-effects from
Covid and fiscal stimulus to morph into the worst inflation spike in half a
century.
“There will be a significant contingent worrying about upside inflation risks in
light of the 2022 experience,” J.P. Morgan economist Greg Fuzesi said ahead of
the ECB’s policy-making council’s meeting on Thursday.
The Iran conflict is further complicating efforts by Trump to demonstrate to
voters that the GOP is addressing cost-of-living concerns before this year’s
midterm elections. Already, the war has caused a surge in politically salient
gas prices and erased some of the progress toward more affordable mortgage
rates. And it’s further muddied the picture for a central bank that the
president has been pressing hard to take decisive action toward rate cuts.
Now, when Chair Jerome Powell and other Fed officials meet on Wednesday, they’re
expected to be more open to the idea of rate increases later this year, though
that’s still not the likeliest outcome. As Yale’s English pointed out, higher
costs might ultimately increase the case for rate cuts if they slow the economy
significantly.
“With the higher oil prices and the shock to the global economy, the likelihood
of overheating seems reduced now, so that’s one of the reasons you might be
comfortable waiting through some period of higher inflation,” rather than hiking
rates in response, English said. “This might be enough to push the economy into
real weakness, and in that case, they might well have to cut.”
But if households and businesses start to worry about a new acceleration in
inflation and start expecting higher prices, that dynamic can be self-fulfilling
and might call for rate hikes.
Hawkish policymakers are already signaling the ECB won’t hesitate this time. “A
reaction by the ECB is potentially closer than many people think,” Peter
Kažimír, Slovakia’s central bank governor, told Bloomberg last week. “We will be
ready to act if needed.”
President Christine Lagarde pledged to ensure that consumers “don’t suffer the
same inflation increases like those we saw in 2022 and 2023.” Back then, the ECB
was slow to react, helping inflation surge past 10 percent.
Economists say today’s backdrop looks very different: In 2022, rates were near
or below zero, balance sheets were bloated and fiscal policy was highly
expansionary. “When inflation rose, it did so in an environment of strong demand
supported by both fiscal and monetary stimulus,” said Gerlach. Now, tighter
monetary and fiscal policy should limit the risk of energy shocks spilling
through the economy into second-round effects.
Still, Barclays analyst Silvia Ardagna says that if medium-term inflation
expectations “deteriorate significantly,” she expects “the ECB to act more
swiftly than in 2022, but to tighten policy gradually.”
Nick Kounis, of Dutch bank ABN AMRO, also sees a more hawkish tone. “Uncertainty
on the conflict is high, but if the current situation persists through to the
April meeting, a hike becomes a distinct possibility,” he said.
Many analysts say the first obvious central bank casualty of the war is likely
to be the Bank of England, which was widely expected to cut this week but is now
seen firmly on hold. That’s because the U.K. still hasn’t quite gotten on top of
the inflation that was unleashed four years ago.
Andrew Benito, an economist with hedge fund Point72 in London, reckons that the
inevitable increase in fuel prices and household energy bills alone will add a
full percentage point to headline inflation by summer, with “second-round”
impacts on other prices pushing it even further away from the BoE’s target.
That, says Deutsche Bank’s Sanjay Raja, will force the bank into some
“uncomfortable trade-offs”: The U.K. economy has already slowed over the last
year due to global trade uncertainty and various government tax hikes to close
the budget deficit. Hiking rates when the economy is already struggling could
risk needlessly making things worse. But any sign of complacency could be
disproportionately punished by the markets, given that the BoE performed worse
than any other major central bank during the last inflation shock (the headline
rate peaked at over 11 percent).
Raja expects BoE Governor Andrew Bailey to highlight the differences with 2022 —
when inflation was accelerating rather than slowing — as one reason not to
overreact to today’s price spike. However, he expects that Bailey, like the ECB
and others, will talk tough about not letting business and households develop an
inflationary mindset again.
More important will be the Bank of Japan’s decisions and press conference on
Thursday, due to the outsized influence of Japanese interest rates on global
financial markets. For decades, Japan kept interest rates low and printed money
furiously to escape deflation. As long as it did so, Japanese and foreign
investors borrowed yen cheaply to throw at higher-yielding markets such as the
U.S.
Now, however, the BoJ’s concerns have finally switched from deflation to
inflation, and BoJ Governor Kazuo Ueda is now in a hurry to “normalize” policy.
Its key interest rate, at 0.75 percent, is the lowest in the developed world
outside Switzerland.
But Japan, too, faces a big headwind from higher energy prices because of its
dependence on imports, and Gregor Hirt, chief investment officer for Multi Asset
at Allianz Global Investors, argues that the BoJ will hesitate before raising
rates again.
The trouble with waiting and seeing is that the yen has already lurched lower,
prompting alarm in Washington and sparking rumors of possible intervention to
support it.
“In order to stop further weakness, the BoJ may have to move up a rate hike to
stabilize the currency,” Hirt said.
Meanwhile, the war has presented the Swiss National Bank, which has kept
interest rates at zero since June 2025, with a different kind of conundrum.
One risk is that a global “flight to safety” drives the Swiss franc to even
greater heights against the euro and others. That could make so many imports
cheaper that the overall inflation rate could turn negative. Alternatively, the
boost in energy prices could have the same malign impact on inflation as it will
elsewhere.
“The SNB will probably prefer to wait and see which of the two effects will have
the greater impact on inflation prospects before acting in one direction or the
other,” said ING economist Charlotte de Montpellier, who expects the Swiss
central bank to stay on hold.
That response, shot through with varying degrees of nervousness, looks likely to
be the dominant one this week. But things will look very different if the war
situation hasn’t improved by the next round of meetings.